“In the conditions prevailing today, imperialism prefers to intervene in a dependent country by organising civil war there”- Joseph Stalin

“A study of these theses might lead ont to think that the present moment there is, properly speaking, no imperialist intervention in China, that there is only a struggle between Northerners and Southerners, or between one group of generals and another group of generals. Furthermore, there is a tendency to understand by intervention a state of affairs marked by the incursion of foreign troops into Chinese territory, and that if that is not the case, then there is no intervention.

That is a profound mistake, comrades. Intervention is by no means confined to the incursion of troops and the incursion of troops by no means constitutes the principal feature of intervention. In the present-day conditions of the revolutionary movement in the capitalist countries, when the direct incursion of foreign troops may give rise to protests and conflicts, intervention assumes more flexible and more camouflaged forms. In the conditions prevailing today, imperialism prefers to intervene in a dependent country by organising civil war there, by financing counter-revolutinary forces against the revolution, by giving moral and financial support to its Chinese agents against the revolution. The imperialists were inclined to depict the struggle of Denikin and Kolchak, Yudenich and Wrangel against the revolution in Russia as an exclusively internal struggle. But we all knew-and not only we, but the whole world-that behind these counter-revolutionary Russian generals stood the imperialists of Britain and America, France and Japan, without whose support a serious civil war in Russia would have been quite impossible. The same must be said of China. The struggle of Wu Pei-fu, Sun Chuan-fang, Chang Tso-lin and Chang Tsung-chang against the revolution in China would be simply impossible if these counter-revolutionary generals were not instigated by the imperialists of all countries, if the latter did not supply them with money, arms, instructors, ‘advisers’, etc.

Wherein lies the strength of the Canton troops? In the fact that there are inspired by an ideal, by enthusiasm, in the struggle for liberation from imperialism; in the fact that they are bringing China liberation. Wherein lies the strength of the counter-revolutionary generals in China? In the fact that they are backed by the imperialists of all countries, by the owners of all the railways, concessions, mills and factories, banks and commercial houses in China.

Hence, it is not only, or even not so much, a matter of the incursion of foreign troops, as of the support which the imperialists of all countries are rendering the counter revolutionaries in China. Intervention through the hands of others-that is where he root of imperialist intervention now lies.

Therefore, imperialist intervention in China is an indubitable fact, and it is against this that the Chinese revolution is spearheaded.

Therefore, whoever ignores or underestimates the fact of imperialist intervention in China, ignores or underestimates the chief and most fundamental thing in China.

It is said that the Japanese imperialists are showing certain symptoms of ‘good will’ towards the Cantonese and the Chinese revolution in general. It is said that the American imperialists are not lagging behind the Japanese in this regard. That is self-deception, comrades. One must know how to distinguish between the essence of the policy of the imperialists, including that of the Japanese and American imperialists, and its disguises. Lenin often said that it is hard to impose upon revolutionaries with the club or the first, but it is sometimes very easy to take them in with blandishments. That truth of Lenin’s should never be forgotten, comrades. At all events, it is clear that the Japanese and American imperialists have pretty well realised its value. And it is therefore necessary to draw a strict distinction between blandishments and praise bestowed on the Cantonese and the fact that the imperialists who are most generous with blandishments are those who cling most tightly to ‘their’ concessions and railways in China, and they will not consent to relinquish them at any price.”


The basics of Maoism-Third Worldism by the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement

” 1.) Maoism (Third Worldism) reaffirms historical materialism, i.e. that the struggle between groups over their relationship to the means of producing and distributing wealth is the chief factor which shapes history

2.) All economic wealth is the product of labor. Under capitalism, wealth becomes concentrated in fewer and fewer hands to the detriment of producers. This contradiction between the proletariat, the class for which the struggle against capitalism represents ‘nothing to lose but chains and a world to win,’ on one hand and exploiters on the other is irresolvable under capitalism.

3.) All things, including the social order, are in a process of development. The question of what direction the world will develop depends on class struggle. The basic choice facing humanity today is between socialism and communism or widespread ruin.

4.) Substantive progressive change to the capitalist system can not come from poltical reforms. Rather, the proletariat must organize to seize the instruments of production and construct their own state-forms to suppress reactionaries and carry through the revolution.

5.) The struggle against capitalism and for socialism is representative of the immediate necessity of an entire class and exemplifies an even larger range of interests. Yet this is not always demonstrated in the direct struggles waged by particular groups of the proletariat. Proletariat political consciousness is that which recognizes and organizes around the long-term strategic and tactical interests of the proletariat as a class, is bore from wider experiences of class struggle, and it is often brought to the proletariat masses by its most conscios elements or from without.

6.) Everything reflects in some manner extant social relations. The state, culture, art, and day-to-day interactions are field of struggle in which different lines of understanding based on either proletarian class consciousness or reactionary ideology play out. Maoism (Third Worldism) promotes the revolutionary struggle to seize power both over the means of production and every aspect of the superstructure as well.

7.) Socialism is transitional period between the formal overthrow of capitalism under the leadership of the proletariat to the restructuring of society based on the democratic and rational control over the production and allocation of use values, without oppresson, classes, or a state.

8.) The growth of productive forces combinded with historically-enshrined and militarily-enforced monopoly/imperialist advantages renders the contradiction between the proletariat and capital as one between exploiter and exploited nations. Hence, the principle contradiction today is between the masses of peripheral and semi-perhipheral countries on one hand and exploiter classes tied to capitalist-imperialism on the other. A revolution on the part of the world’s Third World masses would in fact be a world revolution, as much of the value captured by the First World today is produced in the vast Third World.

9.) Imperialism renders entire local, national, and regional economies of the core as primarily parasitic and dependent on the exploitation of the wider peripheral and semi-peripheral zones; and this necessarily alters the terrain of class struggle. Specifically, imperialism pays a qualitatively higher wages to a minority of workers. This has both an economic function in maintaining capital accumulation in the core at the expense of the masses of the Third World and an ideological function by ‘bribing’ these workers into supporting imperialism. First World and ‘middle class’ workers who receive wages above the abstract valuye of labor, i.e. above the value of the goods and services exchanged throughout the world-economy in a given period divided be the quantity of labor through which it is produced, are not part of the proletariat because the magnitude of their wages are dependent on imperialist exploitation and could not be maintained without it. Hence, Maoism (Third Worldism) opposes all economism on behalf of workers in imperialist countries.

10.) Protracted people’s war complimented by the mass line, as demonstrated in the Chinese Revolution and creatively applied to particular situations is the best suited means of revolutionary struggle in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries. The notion of waging class struggle must be considered globally as well. Lin Biao noted that the imperialist First World represented the ‘cities of the world’ and that the exploited Third World the ‘countryside of the world.’ Given the vast underdevelopment of the Third World at the hands of the First World, the struggle of the world’s masses is not immediately one for socialism but for global new democracy: the hemming in and wide-ranging defeat of imperialism by an international proletariat-led coalition of progressive classes and the building of the requisite productive forces, class alliances, and consciousness to continue the struggle for socialism and communism.

11.) Socialism is not a straight line towards communism. Rather, due to leftover attitudes and oppressions, privileges which accompany positions of authority, and the existence of capitalist blocs, the structural possibility remains for the generation of a ‘new bourgeoisie’ under socialism which will attempt to seize power, halt class struggle, and unite to make accommodations with remaining reactionaries. The only solution is the continuation of class struggle under socialism to the end of countering and routing these efforts at the restoration of capitalism. This is the only means to continue towards communism.

12.) The participation of women is paramount for the successof the struggles for people’s war, global new democracy, socialism, and communism. Women make up over half of the proletariat and form the backbone of our ability to reach and transform the day to day lives of the masses through struggle.

13.) As a paradigmatic shift, the struggle for socialism and communism must take a totally different approach to humanity’s relationship the natural environment. Under socialism and communism, the preservation and enhancement of natural abundance for the common good will take precedence over the profit-seeking interest of the few. Moreover, people’s relationship with non-human life must more closely resemble the relationship that we strive to achieve between ourselves.

14.) The struggle for proletarian revolution must support and find common cause with the struggle for liberation and self-determination of oppressed nations. Within imperialist cores, the struggle for national liberation should be promoted as a detachment of the wider struggle for global new democracy, socialism, and communism.”

(Source: http://www.markfoster.net/struc/the_weapon_of_theory.pdf)


What is People’s War? The Communist Party of the Philippines provides an example.

“Our country is semi-colonial and semi-feudal. It is under the indirect rule of U.S. imperialism whose most reliable agents and puppets are the big comprador-landlords and big bureaucrats. The cities are ruled by the comprador big bourgeoisie and the countryside is ruled by the landlord class.

The overwhelming majority of our 41 million people, more than ninety percent of them, are severely exploited and oppressed by the big compradors and big landlords who together with their closet and best paid political and technical subalterns compose a tiny minority that is no more than two percent of the population. The most oppressed and exploited are the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle or national bourgeoisie also suffer from the semi-colonial and semi-feudal situation, with the former stratum suffering more than the latter.

It is obvious why we interchangeably speak of people’s war and revolutionary war. We are fighting for the revolutionary interests of the broad masses of people. We are fighting specifically for their national-democratic interests. Ours is a national-democratic revolution aimed at completing our struggle for national independence and giving substance to the democratic aspirations of our people. We have no course but to fight for national emancipation and social liberation against U.S. imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.”

“In carrying out a people’s war, the Party builds the people’s army as its main form of organization. It is not only an organization where the Party membership is most concentrated. It is also an organization for uniting the proletarian revolutionaries and the peasant masses both within the army and in the localities. In this way, the basic alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry so necessary in a national united front takes the most effective concrete form.

The basic alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry is the foundation of the national united front. The stronger this alliance is in the course of people’s war, the stronger is the desire of the urban petty bourgeoisie to join the national united front and take active part in revolutionary work. Likewise the national bourgeoisie is encouraged to bring its support to such basic forces of the revolution as the proletariat, the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie. At this stage of the revolution, the leadership of the Party and the proletariat is best proven by its ability to build a people’s army and realize the basic alliance of the toiling masses.”

“Eighty-five percent of the national population is in the countryside. Of this rural population, the poor peasants together with the farm workers comprise about seventy-five percent; the middle peasants, about fifteen percent; the rich peasants, about five percent. The landlords may be only one or two percent. About three or four percent is taken up by non-agricultural wage-earners, artisans, small peddlers, merchants, students, teachers and other professionals. There are drastic deviations from these percentages only in particular places where there are mines, logging, modern plantations and some industries. Fishermen along the seacoasts are mainly peasants.

On the basis of these facts, the peasant population and the countryside have a special significance to us in waging people’s war. The main social problem, the single problem affecting the greatest number of people, lies in the countryside. It is the land problem. Feudalism and semi-feudalism oppresses and exploits the poor peasants, the farm workers and the lower-middle peasants. Without focusing attention on this problem and avoiding it with a solution, we cannot draw into the ranks of the revolution the most formidable force that can overwhelm the enemy.

Agrarian revolution is the solution. The peasant masses are aroused and mobilized to overthrow landlord authority and carry out land reform step by step. Depending on the concrete circumstances, particularly the strength achieved by the revolutionary forces, rent reduction and elimination of usury or outright confiscation of landlord property may be effected. In frontier areas, the poor indigenous people and poor settlers are to be assured of ownership of their fair-sized lands. The party maintains that the main content of the national-democratic revolution is the satisfaction of the peasant cry for land.

Only by carrying out agrarian revolution can the revolutionary leadership activate the peasant masses as the main force of the revolution and realize the basic alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry. From the ranks of the downtrodden peasantry can then be drawn the greatest number of armed contingents. As it now stands, the New People’s Army is composed mainly of peasant recruits. The growth of our people’s army depends on the support of the peasant masses.

In general terms, we state that the most reliable ally of the proletariat is the peasantry. In more specific terms, let us relate the revolutionary proletariat with the various strata of the peasantry. Our policy as proletarian revolutionaries is to rely mainly on the poor peasants together with the farm workers, win over the middle peasants and neutralize the rich peasants. In the course of the national-democratic revolution, we make it a point not to hurt unduly the interests of the rich peasants even as we are alert to their reactionary tendencies.”

“Our country is grossly underdeveloped due to imperialist domination and retains a relatively wide countryside where feudalism and semifeudalism reign. This backward countryside of our small country is not as large as that of China but it is certainly large in comparison to our own cities. This is the basic setting for our people’s war. The bulk of our national population is here.”

(Source: http://www.bannedthought.net/Philippines/CPP/1970s/SpecificCharacteristicsPW-Riple-1974.pdf)

Mao Tse-Tung talks about the classes that were in China: A reponse to Queer Kids Stuff

“-A landlord is a person who owns land, does not engage in labor himself, or does so only to a very small extent, and lives by exploiting the peasants. The collection of land rent is his main form of exploitation; in addition, he may lend money, hire labour or engage in industry or commerce. But his exaction of land rent from the peasants is his principle form of exploitation. The administration of communal land and the collection of rent from school land are included in the category of exploitation through land rent.

A bankrupt landlord shall still be classified as a landlord if he does not engage in labor but lives by swindling or robbing others or by receiving assistance from relatives or friends, and is better off than the average middle peasant.

Warlords, officials, local tyrants and evil gentry are political representatives and exceptionally ruthess members of the landlord class. Minor local tyrants and evil gentry are also very often to be found among the rich peasants.

Persons who assist landlords in collecting rent and managing property, who depend on landlord exploitation of the peasants as their main source of income and are better off than the average middle peasant shall be put in the same category as landlords.

Usurers are persons who rely on exploitation by usury as their main source of income, are better off than the average middle peasant, and shall be put in the same category as landlords.

-The rich peasant, as a rule owns land. But some rich peasants own only part of their land and rent the remainder. Others have no land of their own at all and rent all their land. The rich peasant generally has rather more and better instruments of production and more liquid capital than the average and engages in labor himself, but always relies on exploitation for part or even the major part of his income. His main form of exploitation is the hiring of labor (long-term laborers). In addition, he may let part of his land and practise exploitation through land rent, or may lend money or engage in industry and commerce. Most rich peasants also engage in the administration of communal land. A person who owns a fair amount of good land, farms some of it himself without hiring labor, but exploits other peasants by means of land rent, loan interest or in other ways shall be treated as a rich peasant. Rich peasants regularly practise exploitation and many derive most of their income from this source.

-Many middle peasants own land. Some own only part of their land and rent the rest. Others own no land of their own at all and rent all their land. All of them have a fair number of farm implaments. A middle peasant derives his income wholly or mainly from his own labor. As a rule he does not exploit others and in many cases he himself is exploited by others, having to pay a small amount in land rent and in interest on loans. But generally he does not sell his labor power. Some middle peasants (the well-to-do middle peasants) do practise exploitation to a small extent, but this is not their regular or their main source of income.

-Among the poor peasants some own part of their land and have a few odd farm implements, others own no land at all but only a few odd farm implements. As a rule poor peasants have to rent the land they work on and are subjected to exploitation, having to pay land rent and interests on loans and to hire themselves out to some extent.
In general, a middle peasant does not need to sell his labor power, while the poor peasant has to sell part of his labor power. This is the principle criterion for distinguishing between a middle and poor peasant.

-The worker (including the farm laborer) as a rule owns no land or farm implements, though some do own a very small amount of land and very few farm implements. Workers make their living wholly or mainly by selling their labor power.”- Mao Tse-Tung (Source: http://www.bannedthought.net/China/Individuals/MaoZedong/Books/SelectedWorksOfMao-V1.pdf)


The Communist Party of the Philippines and Lenin explains what classes are

“In consonance with the topic of your conference, ‘Class analysis in the modern communist movement’, allow us to state our views. We appreciate the position that the definition of the class concept of the proletariat as a revolutionary class is crucial to the formation of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary party, in the face of the unceasing attempts of the Brezhnevites and the neo-Brezhnevites to revise the concept.

It is our view that the definition first put forward by Marx and further developed by Lenin in ‘A Great Beginning’ remains valid, historically and currently. It is a definition that is grounded on the mode of production in accordance with historical materialism. Upon the material conditions of large-scale industrial production, the working class arises and grows in contradictions with the dominant capitalist class in capitalist society. Consequently, it becomes the dominant class in socialist society after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and continues to wage class struggle until classes are abolished.

Lenin taught us; ‘Classes are large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor, and, consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it.’ He said further that classes are groups of people one of which can appropriate the labor of another owing to the different places they occupy in a definite system of social economy.

He pointed out, ‘Clearly, in order to abolish classes completely, it is not enough to overthrow the exploiters, the landowners and capitalists, not enough to abolish their rights of ownership; it is necessary also to abolish all private ownership of the means of production, it is necessary to abolish the distinction between town and country, as well as the distinction between manual and mental workers. This requires a very long period of time.’

He added, ‘In order to achieve this, an enormous step must be taken in developing the productive forces; it is necessary to overcome the resistance (frequently passive, which is particularly stubborn and particularly difficult to overcome) of the numerous survivals of small scale production; it is necessary to overcome the enormous force of habit and conservatism which are connected with these survivals.’

As a dialectical materialist, Lenin recognized first that the classes and class struggle arise in the mode of production and he proceeded to look at the interaction of the superstructure and the mode of production in the course of class struggle. He did not confine classes and class struggle to the mode of production and the development of the productive forces.

He combated the attempts to expand and vulgarize the meaning of proletariat as to include all toilers and the petty bourgeoisie. He also combated the confabulations of the petty bourgeoisie (Kautsky, Martov and the like) about liberty, equality, democracy in general, equality of labor democracy, etc., as the supposed way to solve the problems in the transition from capitalism to socialism. At the same time, he called for the alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry and other revolutionary forces.

The proletariat cannot build socialism by confining itself to economic struggle in the mode of production and without developing its revolutionary theory as guide to its revolutionary movement, without smashing the bourgeois class dictatorship and replacing it with the proletarian class dictatorship and without supplanting the bourgeoise and other antiquated culture with the proletarian-socialist culture.

In the course of socialist revolution and construction, the exploiting classes can be abolished in the economic and legal spheres. Although basically required, socialist economic construction alone cannot automatically create a proletarian-socialist superstructure that can extirpate the vestiges or new shoots of the bourgeoisie in the superstructure. The revolutionary proletariat must make a conscious and deliberate effort to extend and win the class struggle in the superstructure.

In the historical experience of both the Soviet Union and China, the old bourgeoisie and the landlord class took their last line of resistance in the superstructure under many pretenses and eventually a new petty bourgeoisie arose from the new intelligentsia and bureaucracy as a result of uneven development and the errors and shortcomings of the revolutionary party of the proletariat in the conduct of the two-line struggle with the bourgeoisie. Mao observed and fought the new petty bourgeoisie and won against it in his lifetime but his line would still be defeated after his death. ”

(Source: http://bannedthought.net/Philippines/CPP/Rebolusyon/1997/N1-Jan-Mar/Rebolusyon-1997-1-LongLiveLeninStalin.pdf)


The founding values of the Ba’ath Party

“When the Arab Baath Party emerged and when its ideology began to spread and become complete through interaction with events and struggle, its most important idea from the outset, evolutionism, and the most important thing in evolutionism, as has known the Baath Party since the first years and since the first writings, is truthfulness, frankness and morality.

With this quality the Baath Party was able to find its way to the hearts of the people until it spread throughout most of the Arab regions, from a beginning of extreme simplicity and modesty through a long history that has become an integral part of the history of our nation. How did this party have degenerate and how did it come to present an image which so sharply contrasts with those distinctive qualities, the image of artifice, and methods based on manoeuvring and distorition of facts, through fabrication, lying deceit and the use of everything except truthfulness, frankness, the respect of principles, and the respect of the people? The people will never accept such methods even though they were subjected by force to them for a short period of time”- Michel Aflaq

(Source: http://albaath.online.fr/English/Aflaq-06-The%20Radical%20changes%20and%20the%20Revolution.htm)

“A genuine communist party provides an infrastructure and framework in which the bourgeois can begin to betray their class privilege.”- The Rural People’s Party

“When the labor aristocrat, petite bourgeois or bourgeois enters into the synthesis of communism, only then do they join with the internationalist proletariat- not as an oppressor, but as a newly working-classized member of the internationalist proletariat itself. A people’s dictatorship apparatus allows for this liberation from oppressor class background to occur and it is not obtained even with the help of the most authoritarian infrastructure and correct ideological guidance without a severe self-confrontation on behalf of the oppressor class traitor. A genuine communist party provides an infrastructure and framework in which the bourgeois can begin to betray their class privilege and fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat. This was done and practiced in the context of the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project of Cde. Jim Jones during the 1970’s- how much do we need the opportunity today for the bourgeois to change their privilege into the kindled flames that will aid in stoking the prairie fire of internationalist revolution?

We do not stand for the revisionist abandonment of class analysis and acceptance of First World workers without correction, First World workers who, in their natural state in this society, are a backbone for U.S. Hegemonic imperialism. Indulgent error in regard to class analysis on behalf of the revisionists means death for the revolution if they (the proponents of revisionism) poison it with their ideological error, because the only product of right-wing revisionism in accepting the capitalists of the labor aristocracy, petite bourgeois and bourgeois as revolutionary is the rapid descent of a movement and force into the filth of reaction and turning the revolution into a capitalist-roader farce. Current society- ruled by bourgeois mores and lapped up by the petite bourgeois and labor aristocracy alike- capitalism in toto- and all hotbeds of reaction whatsoever- these must be ruthlessly uprooted, like the plow striking the soil and overturning the weeds of parasitism. There is no other option if we seek liberation from capitalism and entrance into the future human condition- glorious communism- a future which has been seeded by the blood of many martyrs who fell in pursuit of it’s establishment, the preservation of it’s workers states and some who still do to this day.

Furthermore, the discerning cadre realizes- and imparts this fact to the people- that there can be no genuine self-liberation and self-realization until there is liberation of the world from the shackles of capitalism itself. No religion or philosophy will accomplish this, nor will the social democratic agenda nor idealism of pseudo-revolutionaries who lack a scientific revolutionary approach. Every minute that is spend on individualism is wasted forced that should properly be spent struggling for the obtainment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the ushering in of communism on this soil. It is the responsibility of the rising vanguard to bear the burden for global survival, for the clock of time is ticking and as the hand moves around it is marked with more and more deaths of the oppressed at the hands of the imperialists- their deaths and the continuation of an intolerable system at the cost of our laziness. We have to get serious and realize that this imperialist filth must be routed! Therefore, communists of the party must realize and propagate, following a scientific strategy for revolution, that the Dictatorship of the proletarian and lumpenproletarian over the labor aristocracy, petite bourgeois and bourgeois inside North America is a prerequisite for the flowering of communism and harmonious existence of humankind- free from all exploitations and divisions- in this land. We must set our stance in granite, comrades, for the realization of these aims.

Capitalism is not a tame opponent and the prudent revolutionary does not treat it as such- only the naive fight the class oppressors and entrenched privilege with flowers and platitudes- we must be willing to point the bayonet when the necessity arises and we need to be willing to ‘vulcanize ourselves’ as Cde. Jim Jones once said to his son, Jim Jones Jr., meaning that we must base our revolutionary path firmly upon rational thought and scientific conclusion of utilizing that which is advantageous to revolution in reality, as opposed to basing our decisions upon sentimentality and emotions- as does this forces of bourgeois and reaction. It takes grim and incessant struggle to begin building communism and only from building communism can come the vanguard revolutionary force because communism is both the beginning of the revolution and the aim of the revolution. It is folly to believe that, encircled within the mother of all imperialisms, that we can strike here and strike there and then believe that after the demise of current society that communism will ‘fall upon us’ like a rain from heaven. We must begin communism now and it begins with the struggle for democratic centralism, the struggle for the establishment of a vanguard party as set forward by the scientific Marxist advancements of Leninism and the establishment of socialist relations in the fight for communism and against imperialism, just as in the days of Kim Il Sung and his guerrillas and applied to our time and our place in unfolding history.”

(Source: http://ruralpeople.atspace.org/fight_for_dictatorship.htm)

“The rulers had sought to make people give up their most important rights that Allah had given them.”- Usama Bin Laden’s last speech

“All praise to Allah, we praise Him, and we ask for His assistance and forgiveness. We seek His protection from the evils within ourselves and the sins of our actions. Whomever Allah guides is not led astray, and whoever is led astray has no guide. I bear witness that there is no god but Allah, alone without partner, and I bear witness that Muhammad is His slave and Messenger. Thereafter:

My Muslim Ummah:

We follow along with you this great historical event. We share with you the joy and happiness and the delight and gladness. We rejoice for your joy, and we grieve for your distress. Congratulations to you and your triumphs, and may Allah have mercy on your martyrs, treat your wounded, and release your prisoners.

The Ummah always directed its fact expecting a victory to emerge from signs in the East, but instead the sun of the revolution rose from the West. The revolution radiated from Tunisia, and the Ummah was please, the faces of the people were illuminated, the throats of the rulers were choked, and the Jews were alarmed by the closeness of the threat.

With the fall of the tyrant also fell the meanings of humiliation, submission, fear, and limitation, and the meanings of freedom, dignity, courage, and initiative arose. The winds of change were blowing with desire for liberation, and Tunisia took the lead. As quick as lightning, the knights of Egypt took what they learned from the nobel people of Tunisia to Tahrir Square. Another great revolution was launched, and what a revolution it was. It was a fateful revolution for all of Egypt and the whole of the Ummah, so long as it adheres to the connection of its Lord. The revolution was not one of food and clothing but one of dignity and defiance, a revolution of sacrifice and giving. The Nile was illuminated from top to bottom, and the youth of Islam saw their glory  and their souls yearning for the time of their ancestors. They took over the torch from Tahir Square in Cairo to frustrate the tyrannical regimes, stood in the face of evil, rose their fists against it, and did not fear its soldiers. They made a promise and kept it, for the high-minded are steadfast, and the hands are helpful, and the revolution has promise.

To the noble rebels in all countries:

Maintain the initiative, and beware of dialogue, for there is no half-way meeting point between the people of righteousness and the people of deception. Far be it from both. Remember that Allah has placed upon you days that will have an aftermath. You are their knights and leaders, and in your hands are the reigns. The Ummah has saved you for this glorious event, so continue the path, and do not be afraid of difficulties.

He will not stop unless the stated goals and combined hopes are fulfilled, with Allah’s permission. Your revolution is the landmark and place of hope for the hurt and wounded. You have released great sorrow from the Ummah, so may Allah relieve you of your sorrows. You have achieved great hopes, so may Allah fulfill your hopes.

O sons of my Muslim Ummah:

Before you there is a dangerous crossroads and a great, historic, and rare opportunity for advancing the Ummah and becoming liberated from serving the whims of the rulers, man-made laws, and Western domination. It is a great sin and great ignorance to waste this opportunity that the Ummah has awaited for many decades, so take it and destroy the idols and pagans, and establish justice and faith.

In this respect, I remind the faithful people that the creation of a council to offer opinion and advice to the Muslim people on all the important points is a Shariah duty. This is important for some of the zealous people who had advised earlier of the necessity of eradicating these unjust regimes and who are widely trusted among the Muslim masses. It is upon them to begin this project and announce it soon, detached from the control of the oppressive rulers, and establish a command center that keeps up with events, working in parallel lines that cover all of the Ummah’s needs, while benefiting from the suggestions of those with the prohibitive authority in this Ummah, and to resort to the qualified research centers and the intelligent people among the people of knowledge, in order to save the people who are fighting to bring down their tyrants and whose sons are being killed, and to advise the people who have already brought down some of the pillars of the rulers of the necessary steps to protect the revolution and achieve its aims.

And likewise, cooperate with people whose revolution has not been launched yet, so as to specify the zero hour and what its pre-requisites are. Delay increases the chances of missing the opportunity, and moving before its time increases the number of victims. And I think that the winds of change will encompass the whole Islamic world, with Allah’s permission. The people should prepare what is necessary and not go through with something before consulting the faithful people of experience, who stay away from half-solutions and befriending the oppressors.

My Muslim Ummah:

The past few decades have witnessed several revolutions for which people rejoiced, but then they quickly tasted their afflictions. The path to preserve the Ummah and its revolutions today from loss and injustice is to launch a revolution of awareness and correction of terms in most of the fields, and especially the basic ones. The most important among them is the first pillar of Islam, and among the good books that were written on the subject is ‘Concepts that Must be Corrected’ by Sheikh Muhammad Qutb.

The weak awareness in many of the sons of the Ummah that is a result of the wrong culture spread by the rulers for many decades is the grand tragedy. The other tragedies of the Ummah are merely a result of this: the culture of humiliation, neglect, submission, and giving absolute obedience to the rulers- worship them and not Allah- and giving up the most important religious and worldly rights to them, and making the values, principles, and people revolve in their orbit, making man lose his humanity, and making him run behind the ruler and his will without awareness or insight, becoming sycophants.

If people do good, they will do good, and if people do bad, they will do bad, which makes these people a product that the ruler can do with as they please. Those are the victims of oppression and injustice in our lands, whom the rulers brought out to shout their name and stand in their bunkers. The rulers had sought to make people give up their most important rights that Allah had given to them, so they sabotaged the minds of the Ummah and marginalized its rule in the important public affairs by co-opting the efforts of the media and religious governmental institutions so as to give them legitimacy. They tricked the eyes of people and their will and minds and promoted the paganism of the rule and established it falsely int he name of religion and the homeland, so that people can respect it and place it in their souls, and so that the elderly would consider it holy. And the youth are not safe from it. The youth who are our responsibility and are born in innocence. They murdered their innocence without conscience nor mercy, making the adults grow old over this and making the young become youths. The tyrants increased their tyranny, and the oppressors increased their oppression.

So what are you waiting for? Save yourselves and your children, for the opportunity has come, especially after the youth of the Ummah had taken on the burdens of the revolution and its tragedies and the bullets of the tyrants and their torture. They paved the road with their sacrifices and established the bridge of freedom with their blood. Youths in the prime of life divorced the world of humiliation and defeat, engaging dignity or death. Do the rulers realize that the people have left and will not return until they fulfill the promises with Allah the Almighty’s permission.

And in conclusion:

The great injustice in our country has increased to a large extent, and we were very late in condemning and changing it. Whoever begins should finish what he has started, and Allah will make him victorious. Whoever has not begun should prepare equipment for the matter.

So congratulations to those who came our with this great intent, for if they are killed, they are the master of the martyrs. And if they live, then it is with dignity and defiance, so support righteousness and do not be worried.

O Allah, open the way for those who wish to establish Your religion with victory, and grant them patience, success, and certainty.

O Allah, give guidance to this Ummah in which the people who obey You are dignified and the people who disobey You are humiliated, and in which goodness is enjoined and evil is forbidden.

O Allah, give us good in this world and in the afterlife, and save us from the torture of hell.

O Allah; strengthen our weakness, and mend our fractures, and make our feet steadfast.

O Allah, attack the local and international unjust rulers, and make us victorious over the unjust people.

And our last prayers are all praise to Allah, Lord of the Worlds.”

(Source: https://ia600504.us.archive.org/6/items/the-martyr-of-islam-last-speech-to-his-muslim-nation-imam-osama-bin-laden/he-martyr-of-islam-last-speech-to-his-muslim-nation-imam-osama-bin-laden.pdf)

The Arab World during the Interwar period and during World War 2

“In all the neighboring Arab lands tied to Egyptians by language and religion, young Egyptians saw a similar picture. In Iraq, they saw revolution and repression and the same kind of pseudo-independence under British occupation as in Egypt, with oil rather than the Suez Canal as the motive. In Trans-Jordan, there was a puppet emir with a British-controlled army. In the Sudan, the British ruled under a so-called condominium from which Egypt, the other power on paper, had been squeezed out in practice. In North Africa, the French were in control, and Algeria, in particular, was subjected to French colonization, economic domination and virtual annexation to France. Above all, there was Palestine. There the Egyptians saw an Arab majority being held down by force by the British in order to protect the influx of Zionist immigrants aiming to build their own state and in order to provide Britain with a military base. The Palestine Arabs had been engaged in a large-scale popular rebellion for self-government and independence since 1936. If there was anything outside their own country which had an effect on the mind of idealistic young Egyptians comparable with the impact of the Spanish civil war on the youth of Britain and France, it was the Palestine Arab revolt. They saw there a small people with few resources fighting on for three years against powerful British forces. Among those who volunteered to help the Palestine guerrillas the Muslim Brothers in Egypt were in the forefront.

The only Middle East states which had remained free-and hoped to stay neutral- were Kemalist Turkey which had earlier defied and fought the Western allies; Reza Shah’s Iran, performing a balancing act between Britain and Russia which was to fail when these two Powers unexpectedly became allies; Saudi Arabia, still independent because the extent of its oil treasure was not yet fully known and because its oil partner was America which had not yet developed imperial habits in the Middle East; and the Yemen, because it was remote, backward and commercially unattractive. In the wider Muslim world, the 150 million Muslims of India, Indonesia and Malaya were part of the British and Dutch empires, the millions of Muslims in Africa were ruled from London and Paris. In Central Asia, ancient Islamic states had been crushed by the Russians, by Tsars and Bolsheviks alike, and were now being Communized by force. Nowhere in 1938 or 1939 did the world prospect look bright, but the priorities of injustice and woe were different depending on whether they were seen from London, Paris or Cairo, from the Cambridge of John Cornford or the Mankabad camp-fire of Gamal Abdul Nasser.”

(Source: Nasser- A Political Biography, Pg.47-48)

“We have the preoccupations of converting the society from a feudalist and capitalist society into a socialist society.”- Gamal Abdel Nasser

“The journalist went on to question King Feisal on the possibility of further fighting in Yemen and he replied: ‘We do not want any fighting and I believe that the President has internal problems which would prevent him from fighting.’

What are these problems? Of course we have preoccupations and problems. He once says preoccupations and another time he says problems, in an attempt at slander at our internal situation. We have the preoccupations of converting the society from a feudalist and capitalist society into a socialist society in which sufficiency and justice prevail. We have the preoccupations of development and construction. What has been achieved in these 14 years was not to be achieved in 50 years. The budget rose from L.E. 200 million to L.E. 1100 million, the national income rose from L.E. 800 million to L.E. 1800 million, production rose from L.E. 1800 million to L.E. 3500 million. We have schools for all the people, we have equal opportunities, we have social justice for all the sons of the nation and equal opportunities for all the sons of the nation. We do not have a minority which obtains everything for itself and a majority which takes almost nothing. We raise production, increase the national income and provide every person in our country with honourable work; the resources of the country are for all its sons; we liberate the individual from economic and social exploitation after having destroyed the alliance of feudalism and capitalism.

These are the preoccupations existing in our county. But if he means the question of the stooge Moslem Brotherhood, then this is another question.

When I went to Jeddah in August and before talking with King Feisal, I told him that I would like to give him an idea about the situation in our country lest the Moslem Brotherhood should have made him understand that they could change anything or take action; I knew that they had taken money from him and I knew that he prolonged the talks on the basis or assumption that the Moslem Brotherhood might change the situation in a month or two or three, and I should like to assure him that all the Brothers are quiet now and that there isn’t a noise out of even one of them. I also told him that Saudi Arabia gave money to Said Ramadan and that Zaghiul Abdel Rahman said in his confessions when he came here and gave himself up that L.E. 250 thousand were paid to Said Ramadan and the Abu El Fath brothers abroad to work against our regime.

If he means the hired Ikhwan (the outlawed Moslem Brothers) then he knows from their conspiracies were financed. He knows they were paid by the Baghdad Pact, by Saudi Arabia and by Arab reactionaries. The people concerned with the affairs of the Brothers abroad sold themselves to anyone from whom they could take money- to every enemy of Egypt. They became true hirelings of the reactionaries and imperialism.

The brothers were never an issue: they were rounded up in ten minutes. Ours is an open and free country. We have freedom, we have criticism, we have self-criticism. Ours is not a closed reactionary country where a person can be executed without anybody knowing about it. When we arrest anyone we announce it and whoever stands trial is tried openly and the proceedings are published by the press. Ours is an open society for all the world’s press to write about.”

(Source: https://ia600700.us.archive.org/12/items/AddressByPresidentGamalAbdelNasserAtTheGreatPopularRallyHeldByThe/Nasser2.pdf)