“More guileful immigrants use their ‘Americanism’ as a blind for treason. Leaving their own countries in dissatisfaction, they assume the cloak of American citizenship”- H.P Lovecraft

“But since alien immigration has far exceeded normal proportions, it is but natural that we have among us an alarmingly vast body of foreigners from various countries who are totally unable to appreciate Anglo-American traditions. If not still attached to their respective nations, they are at least prone to regard the United States as a sort of spontaneously evolved territory without previous history or ancestry. Forgetting the Saxon inheritance that gave us language, laws, and liberty, they speak of America as a composite nation whose civilization is a compound of all existing cultures; a melting pot of mongrelism wherein it is a crime for a man to know his own grandfather’s name. They prate of Americanism as something of autochthonous growth, neglecting or unwilling to assign England the credit for its origin; and presuming to blame any citizen who is more than just than they in his appreciation of the Mother Land.

More guileful immigrants use their ‘Americanism’ as a blind for treason. Leaving their own countries in dissatisfaction, they assume the cloak of American citizenship; organise and finance conspiracies with American money; and finally, with an audacity almost ironical, call upon the United States for help when overtaken by justice! Half the detestable violence of the Irish ‘Fenians’ and ‘Sinn Fien’ ruffians was hatched in America by those who dare drivel about such a thing as ‘neutrality’! Others continue to serve their own countries under the all-enveloping American mantle. Prussian-American patriots deep in the sanctimonious circles of ‘Americanism’ and ‘pacifism’ are at the same time secretly destroying American property for the benefit of the Prussian cause. And these are the sort of worthies who compare their treacherous anti-American acts with the traditional affection of a real American of the land which gave birth to the American nation!

The very small surviving flock of native Fourth-of-July England-haters must not be charged with that moral delinquency which attaches to the foreign agitators. These belated revolutionaries mean well, and are to be tolerated with kindness. They head that amusing element which applauds every Englishman who becomes naturalized in the United States, but which denounces with unmerciful inconsistency every American who, like the late Henry James, renews ancestral ties with Great Britain.”

(Source: The Conservative- The Complete Issues by H.P. Lovecraft, Pg.95)

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“Whether one believes in communism, nationalism or capitalism must not be an obstacle to great national unity.”- Kim Il Sung

“The question of our country’s reunification is not one of who prevails over whom. It is one of attaining the unity of a nation which has been divided by an outside force and achieving national sovereignty. In order to reunify the country, therefore, it is essential to proceed from endeavours to achieve unity between the north and south and promote great national unity.

In order to promote this, the north and south must transcend their ideas and systems and refrain from pursuing hostile policies toward each other.

At present different ideas and systems exist in the two parts of our country. In this situation, the north and the south should not try to impose their ideas and systems upon each other. We do not intend to impose the socialist system and communist ideology on south Korea. Neither should the south Korean authorities insist on ‘reunification by prevailing over communism’ nor demand that we desist from communism. In other words, they should discard their ‘anti-communist’ slogans.

The north and south should discard hostile policies which obstruct unity, and combine their efforts to find common ground. If each side does not endeavor to find common ground but opposes the other side and argues about things of the past in an attempt to justify itself, the gap between the two sides will grow wider and wider and the reunification of the country will be delayed still further. This would be a grave crime against the country and the nation.

In our opinion, it is quite possible to find a common ground if the north and the south work together, basing themselves on a sincere desire for unity. We have worked hard to discover this common ground in order to hasten the country’s reunification.

Recently, the south Korean authorities have been talking about ‘self-help’, ‘self-reliance’ and ‘self-defense’. We consider that is is possible to find some common factors here. We think that their ‘self-help’, ‘self-reliance’ and ‘self-defense’ may have some points in common with the independence policies of our Party and the Government of the Republic. The country’s reunification will be hastened if the north and the south discover, one by one, what common grounds exist between them and achieve their unity on this basis.

In achieving the great unity of the nation it is important to remove misunderstanding and mistrust between north and south.

Our country has been divided for so long that there are a number of points which the north and the south differ from each other and misunderstand and mistrust each other. As long as the two sides misunderstand and distrust each other, there cannot be genuine national unity. A family cannot be formed without deep trust between husband and wife. Even in the case of husband and wife, if they do not trust each other, they cannot live together and, in the long run, they will have to divorce. The north and the south should strive to eliminate mutual misunderstanding and mistrust.

To this end, the authorities and many personages of the two parts of the country should make frequent contact with each other and hold dialogues in good faith. If they get together and discuss any matters frankly and seriously, misunderstanding will be removed and mutual trust will be deepened.

Through our dialogue with you on this occasion, the misunderstanding between the north and the south has already been alleviated to a considerable extent. The dialogue between the north and the south should have been held earlier.

We thought that the south Korean authorities were going to be lackeys of US imperialism and Japanese militarism and sell out the country. But you say that this will never be the case. You also say that the south Korean authorities will neither bring Japanese militarists into south Korea again nor sell out the country as the lackeys of the United States and Japan, and request us over and over again to believe it. So we can believe you and eliminate our past distrust.

The south Korean authorities say that they have had the misconception that we are going to ‘invade the south’ and ‘communize’ south Korea. But we have no intention of doing these things. We have declared on many occasions that we have no intention of ‘invading the south’. We reaffirm this to you today. As for ‘communization’, we do not intend to ‘communize’ south Korea nor could it be ‘communized’ even if we tried to. Therefore, I think that we can now dispel the misunderstanding and deepen trust through contacts and dialogues in this way, we shall be able to achieve great national unity regardless of the differences in idea and ideals, systems and religious beliefs.

Another important factor in achieving great national unity is that the north and the south should refrain from abusing and slandering each other.

To achieve unity and cooperation, both sides should respect each other rather than resort to abuse and slander. If they continue abusing and slandering each other as they do now, the north and the south will not get on close terms but, instead, the gap will widen. That is why they should first stop abusing and slandering each other.

Achieving economic cooperation between the north and the south is also very important in attaining great national unity.

The northern half of the Republic is rich in natural resources and has a developed heavy industry. South Korea has some foundations of light industry from the past. If the north and the south effect economic cooperation and meet each other’s needs, they will be better able to solve immediate economic problems, and develop the national economy rapidly by their own efforts without introducing foreign capital. If the national economy is developed through north-south cooperation, our nation will be better off than Japan or any other countries that are said to be developed.

The north and the south should advance jointly in external relations, too. Only then will we be able to demonstrate the unity of our nation.

We consider that the north and the south will be able to promote great national unity in spite of the differences in their ideas and systems, political views and religious beliefs, if they all take a patriotic attitude and stand for national reunification. At present, even those countries and nations which have different ideas and systems, are on friendly terms and get along well together. And there is no reason why the differences in ideas and systems should prevent our nation, which is of the same blood, from united and cooperating.

Whether one believes in communism, nationalism or capitalism must not bean obstacle to great national unity. We are not opposed to the nationalists and capitalists in south Korea. The majority of the south Korean capitalists are national capitalists. We have been pursuing a policy of protecting national capitalists. For the sake of national reunification, we will unite and cooperate with the people of all backgrounds in south Korea including nationalists and national capitalists.”

 

“I believe that the objective of every patriot should be to rid every part of the Arab nation of foreign influence.”- Gamal Abdel Nasser

“Britain has been complaining to America and telling it that Gamal Abdel Nasser said he would expel Britian from the Arab nation and the whole Arab world. Naturally, Britian believes that her epulsion from the Arab world will raise the income of the Arabs and reduce the income she obtains by plundering Arab oil and other resources. I believe that the objective of every patriot should be to rid every part of the Arab nation of foreign influnece. Each part of the Arab nation should have the right to self-determination and independence. This goes for the Arab Gulf area, Aden and the occupied Yemeni South. This objective is dear to our hearts as Arabs, because it was the presence of the British in the Arab countries which broke up and divided the Arab nation and created Israel. When the British came to the Arab countries after the First World War, they gave Palestine to the Jews. It was they who created Israel, armed the Jews, blocked arms supplies to the Arabs and left the Arabs in Palestine at the mercy of the Jews in 1948. It was they who left Palestine- Haifa, Jaffa and the other towns. It was they who left the armed Jews to kill the unarmed Arabs. They did not have the sense of honour to carry out the task entrusted to them by the League of Nations when it gave them the mandate over Palestine. Britian is responsible for all which happened to us, to the Arabs in Palestine. She is responsible for the division of the Arab countries. She is repsonsible for the inter-Arab fricition and rifs. She is responsible for all which happened to us. The latest, of course, was the 1956 expedition against us in Egypt and her most staggering defeat by the Egyptian people and the Arab nation. In 1956, Arab workers all over the Arab nation stood against British imperialism and aggression. They stood against Britian in Kuwait and opposed British landings there. In Syria, Arab workers blew up oil piplines. In Libya and in every other Arab country they took a firm stand and struggled for the sake of the gains which we are proud of today. It is our duty, therefore, to support the struggle of those Arab workers in all the Arab countries so that they may get rid of British imperialism and British spheres of influence.

Britian will not forget her defeat in 1956 and will call for economic sanctions against us. For our part, we say that were are not afraid of economic sanctions.

Against any economic sanctions imposed on us by anyone, we can impose ten times as many sanctions. We can make his life utterly miserable.

I declare once more that our first task is to drive the British out of every part of the Arab countries and to liquidate British bases.”

(Source: https://archive.org/stream/NasserMay1#page/n8/mode/1up)

“Political revolution demands, for its success, the unity of all national elements, their fusion and mutual support, as well as self-denial for the sake of the country.”- Gamal Abdul Nasser

“Every nation on earth undergoes two revolutions: One political, in whcih it recovers its right of self government from an imposed despot or an army of aggression occupying its territory without its consent. The second revolution is social, in which the classes of society struggle against each other until justice for all citizens has been gained and conditions have become stable.

Other nations have preceded us along the path of human progress and passed through the two revolutions, but not simultaneously. Hundreds of years separated the one from the other. In the case of our nation, it is going through the two revolutions together and at the same time, a great experiment putting us to the test. This test lies in the fact that the conditions of each revolution are remarkably different, strangelt discordent and terrifically clashing. Political revolution demands, for its success, the unity of all national elements, their fusion and mutual support, as well as self-denial for the sake of the country as a whole.

One of the first signs of social revolution is that values are shaken and creeds are relaxed; fellow-countrymen struggle against each other, as individuals and as classes. Corruption, suspicion, hatred and selfishness dominate them. Between the anvil and the hammer we now live in two revolutions: one demanding that we should unite together, love another and strain every nerve to reach our goal; the other forcing us, in spite of ourselves, to disperse and give way to hatred, everyone thinking only of himself.

Between the anvil and the hammer the 1919 Revolution failed to achieve the results which it ought to have realised. The ranks that massed in 1919 to face tyranny were, after a while, occupied only in internal strife. Tyranny became more arbitrary, whether it was in the form of the open forces of occupation or their veiled cat’s paws, headed by Sultan Fouad and later by his son Farouk. The nation reaped nothing but a crop of self-suspicion, egoism and hatred, between individuals and classes alike. The hopes which the 1919 Revolution was expected to realise faded. The fact that they faded only and did not die out is due to the natural resistance of those hopes which our nation had always entertained. This resistance was still alive then and preparing for another trial. Such was the state of affairs that prevailed after the 1919 Revolution and which compelled the army to be the only force capable of action.”

(Source: https://archive.org/stream/ThePhilosophyOfTheRevolutionBookI/POTR#page/n13/mode/2up)

“Socialism is the doctrine of liberation for the working class.”- Dr. Joseph Goebbels

“Why are we socialists?

We are socialists because we see in socialism, that is the union of all citizens, the only chance to maintain our racial inheritance and to regain our political freedom and renew our German state.

Socialism is the doctrine of liberation for the working class. It promotes the rise of the fourth class and its incorporation in the political organism of our Fatherland, and is inextricably bound to breaking the present slavery and the regaining of German freedom. Socialism therefore is not merely a matter of the oppressed class, but a matter for everyone, for freeing the German people from slavery is the goal of contemporary policy. Socialism gains its true form only through a total combat brotherhood with the forward-striving energies of a newly awakened nationalism. Without nationalism it is nothing, a phantom, a mere theory, a castle in the sky, a book. With it it is everything, the future, freedom, the Fatherland!

The sin of liberal thinking was to overlook socialism’s nation-building strengths, thereby allowing its energies to go in anti-national directions. The sin of Marxism was to degrade socialism into a question of wages and the stomach, putting it in conflict with the state and its national existance. An understanding of both these facts leads us to a new sense of socialism, which sees its nature as nationalistic, state-building, liberating and constructive.

The bourgeois is about to leave the historical stage. In its place will come the class of productive workers, the working class, that has been up until today oppressed. It is beginning to fulfill its political mission. It is involved in a hard and bitter struggle for political power as it seeks to become part of the national organism. The battle began in the economic realm; it will finish in the political. It is not merely a matter of pay, not only a matter of hours worked in a day-though we may never forget that these are an essential, perhaps even the most significant part of the socialist platform-but it is muc more a matter of incorporating a powerful and responsible class in the state, perhaps even to make it the dominant force in the future politics of the Fatherland. The bourgeois does not want to recognize the strength of the working class. Marxism has forced it into a straitjacket that will ruin it. While the working class gradually disintegrates in the Marxist front, bleeding itself dry, the bourgeois and Marxism have agreed on the general lines of capitalism, and see their task now to protect and defend it in various ways often concealed.

We are socialists because we see the social question as a matter of necessity and justice for the very existence of a state for our people, not a question of cheap pity or insulting sentimentality. The worker has a claim to a living standard that corresponds to what he produces. We have no intention of begging for that right. Incorporating him in the state organism is not only a critical matter for him, but for the whole nation. The question is larger than the eight-hour day. It is a matter of forming a new state consciousness that includes every productive citizen. Since the political powers of the day are neither willing nor able to create such a situation, socialism must be fought for. It is a fighting slogan both inwardly and outwardly. It is aimed domestically at the bourgeois parties and Marxism at the same time, because both are sworn enemies of the coming workers’ state. It is directed abroad at all powers that threaten our national existence and thereby the possibility of the coming socialist national state.

Socialism is possible only in a state that is united domestically and free internationally. The bourgeois and Marxism are responsible for failing to reach both goals, domestic unity and international freedom. No matter how national and social these two forces present themselves, they are sworn enemies of a socialist national state.

We must therefore break both groups politically. The lines of German socialism are sharp, and our path is clear.

We are against the political bourgeois, and for genuine nationalism!
We are against Marxism, but for true socialism!
We are for the first German national state of a socialist nature!
We are for the National Socialist German Workers Party!”

(Source: https://ia601703.us.archive.org/5/items/paulJosephGoebbelsWritingsAndEssays/Goebbels_writings_essays.pdf)

 

The founding values of the Ba’ath Party

“When the Arab Baath Party emerged and when its ideology began to spread and become complete through interaction with events and struggle, its most important idea from the outset, evolutionism, and the most important thing in evolutionism, as has known the Baath Party since the first years and since the first writings, is truthfulness, frankness and morality.

With this quality the Baath Party was able to find its way to the hearts of the people until it spread throughout most of the Arab regions, from a beginning of extreme simplicity and modesty through a long history that has become an integral part of the history of our nation. How did this party have degenerate and how did it come to present an image which so sharply contrasts with those distinctive qualities, the image of artifice, and methods based on manoeuvring and distorition of facts, through fabrication, lying deceit and the use of everything except truthfulness, frankness, the respect of principles, and the respect of the people? The people will never accept such methods even though they were subjected by force to them for a short period of time”- Michel Aflaq

(Source: http://albaath.online.fr/English/Aflaq-06-The%20Radical%20changes%20and%20the%20Revolution.htm)

“We have the preoccupations of converting the society from a feudalist and capitalist society into a socialist society.”- Gamal Abdel Nasser

“The journalist went on to question King Feisal on the possibility of further fighting in Yemen and he replied: ‘We do not want any fighting and I believe that the President has internal problems which would prevent him from fighting.’

What are these problems? Of course we have preoccupations and problems. He once says preoccupations and another time he says problems, in an attempt at slander at our internal situation. We have the preoccupations of converting the society from a feudalist and capitalist society into a socialist society in which sufficiency and justice prevail. We have the preoccupations of development and construction. What has been achieved in these 14 years was not to be achieved in 50 years. The budget rose from L.E. 200 million to L.E. 1100 million, the national income rose from L.E. 800 million to L.E. 1800 million, production rose from L.E. 1800 million to L.E. 3500 million. We have schools for all the people, we have equal opportunities, we have social justice for all the sons of the nation and equal opportunities for all the sons of the nation. We do not have a minority which obtains everything for itself and a majority which takes almost nothing. We raise production, increase the national income and provide every person in our country with honourable work; the resources of the country are for all its sons; we liberate the individual from economic and social exploitation after having destroyed the alliance of feudalism and capitalism.

These are the preoccupations existing in our county. But if he means the question of the stooge Moslem Brotherhood, then this is another question.

When I went to Jeddah in August and before talking with King Feisal, I told him that I would like to give him an idea about the situation in our country lest the Moslem Brotherhood should have made him understand that they could change anything or take action; I knew that they had taken money from him and I knew that he prolonged the talks on the basis or assumption that the Moslem Brotherhood might change the situation in a month or two or three, and I should like to assure him that all the Brothers are quiet now and that there isn’t a noise out of even one of them. I also told him that Saudi Arabia gave money to Said Ramadan and that Zaghiul Abdel Rahman said in his confessions when he came here and gave himself up that L.E. 250 thousand were paid to Said Ramadan and the Abu El Fath brothers abroad to work against our regime.

If he means the hired Ikhwan (the outlawed Moslem Brothers) then he knows from their conspiracies were financed. He knows they were paid by the Baghdad Pact, by Saudi Arabia and by Arab reactionaries. The people concerned with the affairs of the Brothers abroad sold themselves to anyone from whom they could take money- to every enemy of Egypt. They became true hirelings of the reactionaries and imperialism.

The brothers were never an issue: they were rounded up in ten minutes. Ours is an open and free country. We have freedom, we have criticism, we have self-criticism. Ours is not a closed reactionary country where a person can be executed without anybody knowing about it. When we arrest anyone we announce it and whoever stands trial is tried openly and the proceedings are published by the press. Ours is an open society for all the world’s press to write about.”

(Source: https://ia600700.us.archive.org/12/items/AddressByPresidentGamalAbdelNasserAtTheGreatPopularRallyHeldByThe/Nasser2.pdf)

NACAZAI talks about the revolutionary potential of America

“The USA, the epicenter of imperialism, fortress of world Zionism and the exterminationist settler-colonialist project, whose creation and maintenance entails the greatest systematic crimes in world history, is not a valid nation, but a project whose very existence negates the alienable rights of usurped people.

We argue that it is incapable, under any circumstances, of being a consolidated socialist and anti-imperialist unit.

Going clear back to the savage attacks by the petty bourgeoisise journalist John Reed and the original Communist Party of the United States of America, the supposed ‘revolutionary heyday’ of socialism and anti-imperialism in the US, against Marcus Garvey and others who defended the principle of race-first and nation-first policies with regards to colonial subjects and descendents of the African slave trade, there has never been nor ever will be a legitimate ‘multi-cultural’ communist or anti-imperialist party within its boundaries or contaminated with the idea of a progressive American project.

White the much longer and complicated circumstances of the USA, in a number of ways, make the solution to the dismantling of the USA and the creation of the various socialist and national democratic projects of its usurped people more difficult to assess than the clear solution of the Arab-Zionist conflict, i.e. the total liquidation of the Jewish project of Palestine in favor of the eternal Arab character, the non-recognition of the USA still looms as the only just, thorough and plausible solution.

While we fully affirm and recognize the rights of progressive and anti-imperialist regimes to attempt to build normalizaed relations with the USA as part of an overall policy to end embargos and sanctions against their people, we ask the international communist and anti-imperialist forces to correct their delusional belief of the capability of the ‘multi-cultural’ proletariat to form a socialist USA, regardless of what this or that revolutionary leader or party stated in the past.

The First Nations people of America and all of its oppressed ethnic groups will always negate ‘multicultural’ America in favor of the right to self-determination and self -preservation, rightfully so.

Americanization of the world is the number one enemy of freedom-loving people everywhere, and this Americanization is more than a product of modern imperialism, but being much older and institutional, goes clear back to the origins of the rape and genocide of the First Nations peoples’ and hundreds of millions of enslaves African compatriots, eternally incompatible with socialist construction and anti-imperialism, regardless of the economic and social changes which emerge through the centuries.”

(Source: https://web.archive.org/web/20080725021302/http://www.nacazai.org/usanotavalidcountry.html)

Deng Xiaoping talks about how to be a real Ally

“We should embark on all these political, economic and cultural undertakings right away. In doing so we should adhere to one principle, namely, to consult with the minority nationality people. If they agree, we go ahead; if they agree with only a part, we do only a part; if they agree with the major portion, we do the major portion; if they agree with everything, we do everything. We definitely need their consent; we need the consent of most of them, particularly of people from the upper strata; if the upper strata do not consent to our plan, we should give it up, for only their consent counts. Why? Because, owing to historical, political and economic peculiarities, the upper strata hold the chief sway in minority nationality areas. Progressive forces are weak there and exert little influence. In future, however, when the progressive forces expand, they will exert a very great influence, although they do not have a decisive bearing at present. For now we should do everything through the upper strata. We should do more to persuade them, consult them frequently and unite with them, guiding and helping them to progress step by step. If we fail in our work among the upper strata, all our efforts will come to nothing. Some of our comrades are wont to take radical measures, thinking they can do better without the help of people from the upper strata. As a matter of fact, they will not be able to do a better job but a worse job; they will not be able to do things more rapidly but more slowly, for they will meet with obstinate resistance. If our work among the upper strata is done well, so that they keep making progress and fully co-operating with us, then with their help we can do our work more smoothly. Some comrades are worried that if they do it this way, they might lose their class stand, not understanding that class stand is manifested differently there. What is the correct class stand? It is at present not launching class struggle, instead achieving unity among the nationalities. That is the correct class stand. Of course, we are not depending completely on the upper strata; we are seeking their help in order gradually to promote our work in all fields.”

(Source: https://dengxiaopingworks.wordpress.com/2013/02/22/the-question-of-minority-nationalities-in-the-southwest/ )

Deng Xiaoping talk about minorities in China

“At present we are not certain about the exact number of minority nationalities in the southwest. According to the latest reports from Yunnan, there are more than 70 names of nationalities in that province. It is said that the Miao nationality in Guizhou has over one hundred branches. In fact, some of them do not belong to the Miao nationality. For instance, the Dong people used to be believed to belong to the Miao nationality, when in fact, the two have different languages and histories and they themselves hate to be lumped together. From this we can see that we do not know the first think about the subject of minority nationalities, let alone a good working knowledge. Of course, after two or three years of work we may gain a clearer understanding of each individual nationality and we may be able to clarify questions that have long remained a mystery.

Historically, China’s minority nationalities have been estranged to a high degree from the Han nationality. As a result of our work done in the past and particularly over the past six months, this state of affairs has been changing gradually, but we still cannot say that we have cleared up this estrangement. Only after a long time through examining the facts will we be able to put an end to the historical estrangement between the minority nationalities and the Han nationality caused by Han chauvinism. We will have to make efforts for a long period of time before we can eliminate this estrangement. We should convince the various minority nationality people that, politically, all nationalities within China’s boundaries are truly equal, that their living standards can be improved and that their cultural level can be raised. By culture we mean mainly culture of each nationality. Unless we succeed in these three aspects of work, it will be impossible to iron out this historical estrangement or rift. The People’s Republic of China is a multi-national country and only by ending this national estrangement and enlisting the concerted efforts of the various nationalities can we form a truly great, happy family of the Chinese nation. The conditions are present for eliminating this estrangement. The policy of Han chauvinism adopted by the reactionary regimes of the past deepened the national estrangement, but the nationality policy stipulated in the Common Programme, adopted at the Political Consultative Conference, will certainly end this estrangement and bring about a great unity of the various nationalities.

I should like to make a few remarks on the Tibetan nationality in Xikang. In the past the Tibetan and Han nationalities were very estranged. However, after our army entered the southwest, and especially after we proclaimed the policy concerning the liberation of Tibet and put forth the ten terms, great changes have taken place. How did they fare in the past? In the old days the reactionary regimes in Xikang caused the local Tibetans to suffer a great deal. After we entered Xikang, the first thing we did was announce the nationality policy stipulated in the Common Programme. At the same time our troops’ fine conduct found expression in some concrete matters; for instance, through observing the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention, respecting the Tibetan people’s customs, habits and religious beliefs, quartering in no lamaseries, etc., they won the trust of our Tibetan compatriots. The Tibetan people said that our troops were so good that even in a heavy rain they would neither enter nor live in their houses unless invited. This is the result of carrying out correct policies. Didn’t rulers of the past proclaim good policies? The problem is they never put their policies into effect. For us, once we have formulated policies, we mean to have them carried out. As regards the ten terms we put forth, some representative figures in Tibet find them a bit too magnanimous. That is how we mean them to be. We are not deceiving anybody. Therefore, these policies have made a powerful impression on them that should not be underestimated, because they are in accord with their requirements and the requirements for the unity of all nationalities.

In minority nationality areas in the southwest our Party did some work in the past that produced good results. During the Long March, the Red Army scattered the seeds of revolution in all the areas it passed through, including Yunnan and Guizhou. Even in Xikang some revolutionary influence was felt. When the Red Army troops marched northward, they did some things in violation of the rules of discipline for the sake of their survival. They were starving and had no choice. Now we should express our gratitude to the people, explaining to them that in those days they had to shoulder the burden of the nationwide revolution and that they had done everything in their power to preserve the Red Army. At the same time, we should apologize to them for anything we did wrong. When we went to Tibet, some Tibetans told us quite frankly that they were displeased when we ate all their grain. Now they understand this and are delighted with their own liberation.

With our past work plus our current work we are quite capable of solving the several-thousand-year-old problem of estrangement from the minority nationalities and uniting all our nationalities. Marxism-Leninism can help solve the problem of nationalities throughout the world. In China, Mao Zedong Thought — the integration of the theory of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of the Chinese revolution — can also help solve this problem. So long as we truly act in accordance with the Common Programme and so long as we sincerely assist the minority nationalities in political, economic and cultural fields, we can solve the problem satisfactorily. If we throw off Han chauvinism, the minority nationalities will forsake their narrow nationalism in return. We should not ask the minority nationalities to abolish their nationalism before we honestly abolish Han chauvinism. Once these two isms are abolished, unity will result.

Since our entry into the southwest, we have arrived at a general understanding: the question of minority nationalities in the southwest is complicated and it must be solved properly. This involves work in various fields, yet we know very little about things here, so we must adopt a careful attitude and from the outset work to harmonize relations with the nationalities. We should try hard to dispel the misgivings of the various minority nationalities concerning the People’s Liberation Army and eliminate the estrangement between different nationalities. In handling the affairs relating to minority nationalities, we should not act blindly and go there rashly to carry out reform, raise proposals and propagate the nationality policy. In practical work we should strictly observe rules of discipline and not encroach upon their interests in the slightest. In collecting public grain we should also take their practical difficulties into account, ensuring above all that the amount never exceeds the burden imposed on them in the past, instead keeping it below this level. We have decided that because of the past deep estrangement between the minority nationalities and the Han nationality and the complicated nature of the situation, no force from the outside shall be used to wage or create a so-called class struggle within the minority nationalities or attempt to carry out reform of any sort. All reforms within the minority nationalities should be carried out through internal forces. Reform is necessary, however, for without it the minority nationalities cannot eliminate poverty, which will make it impossible for them to do away with backwardness, but reform must not be carried out until conditions within the minority nationalities are ripe for it.

At present, our central task concerning the nationalities is to work for unity and end estrangement. Where no trouble crops up and estrangement begins to disappear and unity begins to grow, there the work can be considered well done and good results achieved. If we become impetuous, trying to get quick results in procuring grain and organizing the masses, as we have been doing in the Han nationality areas, troubles are bound to crop up. In the past, people in other areas experienced troubles. An important cause was their impetuosity. Many of our comrades have learned that they must not be impetuous and that it does not matter if they proceed a bit slowly. Slowness does not give rise to errors; impetuosity does. In handling other matters we should be neither impetuous nor proceed slowly, but in handling this matter, we should not be afraid of going slowly. Of course, we still need to work; we cannot go to sleep for fear of becoming impetuous. We should work on a sound basis and advance after acquiring a clear understanding of the situation. As the basis for unity becomes stronger, our work will move forward. Some of our comrades have good intentions, but unfortunately they are impetuous in their work. Therefore, leaders should always guard against impetuosity. At present an important principle for working in minority nationality areas is to brook no trouble or failure. Even if ninety-nine out of a hundred cadres do well and only one cadre makes a mistake, he can still spoil our efforts. With this in mind, we should only dispatch a few selected cadres to minority nationality areas. They should thoroughly understand the nationality policy and ardently wish to make a success in their activities among the minority nationalities. No one can be permitted to make mistakes. This is a must. The reason no trouble has come up so far in the southwest with regard to the question of minority nationalities is that we have been working on a sound basis, which is in itself an accomplishment.

Have we done enough work so far, then? A number of new problems have now cropped up, requiring us to do more work to avoid trouble. For instance, the Common Programme stipulates that regional national autonomy be introduced in areas where different minority nationalities live together. When the Common Programme was proclaimed, the minority nationalities rejoiced and asked us when and how autonomy was to be introduced. They want it to be materialized. If we fail to do so in six months or even in twelve months, they will lose faith in our policies. We must solve this politically significant problem. Our Party encountered such a problem before. For instance, we have had such an experience in Inner Mongolia and in the northern part of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. However, we have no experience in the vast new liberated areas, and it is a new problem for many of our cadres. We must now set about solving this problem, because the demands from the minority nationalities are pressing. In Xikang some representative figures are even thinking of using the name “Bod government” when regional national autonomy is implemented. We have not yet reached an agreement on this matter, but we are determined to adopt a name they like better. In Xikang the names of many places have been given by Han people. Even though we are used to these names, that does not mean the people there are. This is only a problem of names, other problems are more complicated. For instance, eastern Xikang used to be divided into counties, some of which have been in existence for ten to twenty years. When regional national autonomy is introduced, should we keep these counties? From a long-term point of view, it would be good to retain the counties; moreover, we are accustomed to them. But will the local people agree? Our principle is: if they do not agree, the original division should be abolished and a new division made. Furthermore, how do we solve the problems among the minority nationalities when adopting regional national autonomy? In the past some minority nationalities entangled themselves in bitter feud, with one nationality attacking another, followed by retaliating attacks. This was instigated primarily by the reactionary ruling class, which pursued Han chauvinism; it was used by chauvinists from large nationalities to dominate small and weak nationalities. However, the minority nationalities themselves also had many problems involving their gain and loss. We should study these problems soberly and persuade them to unite and stop fighting each other. Should we dispatch cadres to help exercise regional national autonomy? Sending them there is a must, but we should send only a few selected ones who can truly help them. We should consult with the local people to determine in what capacity these cadres should be dispatched. This will be a difficult assignment for our comrades, so we should see that those who are sent have first straightened out their thinking, and we should only dispatch comrades who are willing to work there. All these problems have to do with our policies relating to the exercise of regional national autonomy.

To introduce regional national autonomy in the southwest, we should begin in eastern Xikang, for conditions there are ripe for this. First, compatriots of the Tibetan nationality are concentrated there; second, we had some experience there in this regard; third, after our troops arrived there, they established good relations with the compatriots of the Tibetan nationality; and fourth, there is a progressive organization called the Dongzang Democratic Youth League, with more than one hundred members. With these conditions present, we can start work there at once. This is a major project. If it is made a success, it may lend a direct impetus to Tibet. In other places we should work to create the necessary conditions for introducing regional national autonomy and we cannot just pay lip service to it. In some localities a democratic coalition government of the local nationalities may be established first. For instance, regional national autonomy should be exercised in the Daliang and Xiaoliang mountain areas where people of the Yi nationality live together, but conditions there are not yet ripe, so for the time being it is more suitable to establish a democratic coalition government of the local nationality in these areas. This will be good to them. The same can be applied in Yunnan and Guizhou provinces. Under a coalition government we can also introduce national autonomy in a small area by establishing a township where people of one minority nationality live together, for instance. The minority nationalities have the political right to be masters of their own affairs.

For the benefit of economic development, we have to get started right now. In Xikang, for instance, a number of problems have cropped up in this field. We first face the problem of grain supplies. At present we have only 3,000 to 4,000 people working there and we have borrowed 350 tons of grain. Some progressive people from the upper strata have given us much help. They are not only lending grain to us but have also set a fair price. However, this cannot go on for a long time, because the masses of the minority nationalities cannot bear such a heavy burden. We are also confronted with other economic problems in the areas of the market, trade, banking and so on. If these problems are not solved, the political foundation will be shaken. Regional national autonomy will be only nominal if we fail to manage economic affairs well. The minority nationalities want to benefit from regional autonomy, so if the economic problems are not solved, trouble will ensue. Chairman Mao has laid down two principles concerning Tibet: first, introducing regional national autonomy; and second, after entering Tibet, not depending on local people for grain supplies. If we follow these two principles, we can solve the Tibetan issue and become united with the Tibetan people to consolidate national defence. These principles are applicable to all minority nationality areas. Politics is based on the economy. Can we do without a solid economic base? No, we cannot if we just give the minority nationalities a nominal regional national autonomy while consuming all their grain. We have established this principle to be applied in the minority nationality areas, that is, policies enforced in Han nationality areas in different fields of endeavour, including economic policies, cannot be applied mechanically to minority nationality areas. We must distinguish among those that can be applied, those that must first be revised, and those that cannot be applied. We should formulate a different set of policies for minority nationality areas if we want to serve the minority nationalities wholeheartedly. For instance, if we can help solve the problem of salt for the minority nationality people in Guizhou, most of whom live in the mountains, we are sure to win their support. Also, Xikang has no highways at present, so we should make proper arrangements for the following: facilitating the minority nationalities’ economic exchange with the interior, determining the kind of goods that should be brought in, the way of moving their products out and the prices of the products, and making sure that they have some profits to gain. When doing business with them, we shall follow the principle of exchange at equal value, occasionally, however, letting them profit at our expense. In our effort to help the minority nationalities develop their economies, a very important link is trade, and our economic work there should be based on trade. We should assist the minority nationalities in organizing their own business activities, which we cannot monopolize. In doing business, we should see to it that they are not subjected to exploitation by middlemen at any stage. In this way their economies will be enlivened and their living standards will improve. Right now the key is first to enable them to profit from business activities and then help them develop their agriculture, industry, animal husbandry, commerce and so on.

In the realm of culture, too, we have much work to do. We should try to help raise the cultural level of the minority nationalities as quickly as possible. We should promote educational undertakings in minority nationality areas, encouraging people to set up schools there. For now we should hold some training courses, focusing on explaining the nationality policy. The main obstacle to operating schools is the lack of teachers, not of funds or anything else. To remedy the shortage of talented people in the southwest, we have to establish a nationalities institute without delay in order to enrol some young people for advanced studies. Related to culture and education is the question of public health. Work in this field is also very important in minority nationality areas, where medicine is badly needed. At present, cultural work should centre primarily on public health work, which has a significant role to play.

We should embark on all these political, economic and cultural undertakings right away. In doing so we should adhere to one principle, namely, to consult with the minority nationality people. If they agree, we go ahead; if they agree with only a part, we do only a part; if they agree with the major portion, we do the major portion; if they agree with everything, we do everything. We definitely need their consent; we need the consent of most of them, particularly of people from the upper strata; if the upper strata do not consent to our plan, we should give it up, for only their consent counts. Why? Because, owing to historical, political and economic peculiarities, the upper strata hold the chief sway in minority nationality areas. Progressive forces are weak there and exert little influence. In future, however, when the progressive forces expand, they will exert a very great influence, although they do not have a decisive bearing at present. For now we should do everything through the upper strata. We should do more to persuade them, consult them frequently and unite with them, guiding and helping them to progress step by step. If we fail in our work among the upper strata, all our efforts will come to nothing. Some of our comrades are wont to take radical measures, thinking they can do better without the help of people from the upper strata. As a matter of fact, they will not be able to do a better job but a worse job; they will not be able to do things more rapidly but more slowly, for they will meet with obstinate resistance. If our work among the upper strata is done well, so that they keep making progress and fully co-operating with us, then with their help we can do our work more smoothly. Some comrades are worried that if they do it this way, they might lose their class stand, not understanding that class stand is manifested differently there. What is the correct class stand? It is at present not launching class struggle, instead achieving unity among the nationalities. That is the correct class stand. Of course, we are not depending completely on the upper strata; we are seeking their help in order gradually to promote our work in all fields.

By the way, some special problems should be solved in the light of actual conditions. For example, we decided not to carry out rent reduction and agrarian reform in minority nationality areas, but the Miao people in Guizhou have demanded rent reduction and agrarian reform and their need is more urgent than that of the Han people. Why? We find it quite natural since there are only a few landlords among the Miao nationality in Guizhou. Most of the Miao people till land owned by Han people; moreover, it is located on mountain slopes. Their demand is reasonable. If we do not allow rent reduction and agrarian reform, it will be a manifestation of Han chauvinism and it will mean we have not taken into account their immediate interests. On the other hand, it is not likely that the few landlords from the upper strata of the Miao nationality will consent to their demand. Therefore, we have made a specific stipulation that rent reduction and agrarian reform can be conducted where the land tilled by Miao people belongs to Han landlords, but not where the land belongs to Miao landlords, and in this case the matter should be settled by the Miao people themselves step by step through consultation. That is to say, rent reduction and agrarian reform are not to be totally ruled out in minority nationality areas; in some areas we should still implement them, but on one condition: the demand must come from the great majority and not just from a few people, and the matter is not decided by people from the outside, but by the native people themselves. Also, we should consider ways and means for instituting regional national autonomy and establishing a coalition government in minority nationality areas. We could hold different types of conferences of representatives, since this has yielded substantial results in the interior. Through conferences of representatives we could solicit opinions and discuss and study problems, so as to avoid making decisions subjectively. Sometimes we may proceed from good intentions but reach incorrect decisions. Even if the decisions are correct, we may still meet opposition if we do not have the consent of the people concerned. Conversely, we will have their support even if some decisions are imperfect, because we have won their consent.

Lastly, I should like to discuss the question of our attitude towards work. Our working method should be as I have just mentioned, that is, to consult with the people concerning all matters and to solve problems through conferences of representatives. Our attitude towards work is to seek truth from facts and to be honest. Recently we came to realize that we should also be honest in respecting the customs and habits of the minority nationalities. We should take the initiative to explain clearly to them that because our customs and habits are different from theirs, we are likely to create misunderstandings and violate taboos, offending them without our realizing it. We do want to learn about some of their customs and habits, but we cannot do it overnight, because this is not something to be imposed on people, and so we have to ask them to forgive us for any faux-pas. This is also being honest. In this way we can easily win their sympathy. In all our political, economic and cultural work we should adopt this attitude.

The delegation sent by the Central Government to visit the southwest will surely be of enormous help to us. You have studied and learned much more about the minority nationalities than we have. Especially when you go down there and come into contact with concrete matters, you will discover many problems. We sincerely hope that you comrades will examine all kinds of problems and make suggestions. Even a one-sided view is better than none. At present, we are in urgent need of suggestions. I hope you comrades will not hesitate to let local comrades know whatever strikes you. It is quite likely that some comrades at the lower levels are subjective, so you may be rebuffed, or local comrades may pay no attention to the problems you point out or hold differing views on these problems, and it is more likely that their views are wrong. When this happens, take no offence. You can write to us or to comrades working in the provincial governments. The matter can be solved reasonably in the end. If some of your opinions happen to be incorrect, we shall also let you know. In this way, with your help, I am sure we can solve the most complicated and most important issue in the southwest — establishing unity among nationalities, or at least laying a very good foundation for this goal.

(Source: https://dengxiaopingworks.wordpress.com/2013/02/22/the-question-of-minority-nationalities-in-the-southwest/ )