“We must remember that Marx and Lenin didn’t organize the Black Panther Party. Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale did.” Eldridge Cleaver

On the subject of racism, Marxism-Leninism offers us very little assistance. In fact, there is much evidence that Marx and Engels  were themselves racists- just like their White brothers and sisters of their era, and just as many Marxist-Leninists of our own time are also racists.

Historically, Marxism-Leninism has been an outgrowth of European problems and it has been primarily preoccupied with finding solutions to European problems.

With the founding of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1948 and the People’s Republic of China in 1949, something new was injected into Marxism-Leninism, and it ceased to be just a narrow, exclusively European phenomenon. Comrade Kim Il Sung and Comrade Mao Tse-Tung applied classical principles of Marxism-Leninism to the conditions in their own countries and thereby made the ideology into something useful for their people. But they rejected that part of the analysis that was not beneficial to them and had only to do with the welfare of Europe.

Given the racist history of the United States, it is very difficult for Black people to comfortably call themselves Marxist-Leninists or anything else that takes its name from White people. It’s like praying to Jesus, a white man. We must emphasize the fact that Marx and Lenin didn’t invent Socialism. They only added their contributions, enriching the doctrine, just as many others did before them and after them. And we must remember that Marx and Lenin didn’t organize the Black Panther Party. Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale did.

Not until we reach Fanon do we find a major Marxist-Leninist theoretician who was primarily concerned about the problems of Black people, wherever they may be found. And even Fanon, in his published works, was primarily focused on Africa. It is only indirectly that his works are beneficial to Afro-Americans. It is just easier to relate to Fanon because he is clearly free of that racist bias that blocks our so much about the Black man in the hands of Whites who are primarily interested in themselves and the problems of their own people. But even thought we are able to relate heavily to Fanon, he has not given us the last word on applying the Marxist-Leninist analysis to our problems inside the United States. No one is going to do this for us because no one can. We have to do it ourselves, and until we do, we are going to be uptight.”

(Link to the full writing: https://www.freedomarchives.org/Documents/Finder/Black%20Liberation%20Disk/Black%20Power!/SugahData/Books/Cleaver.S.pdf )


“The world of Marxism-Leninism has become a jungle of opinion”- Eldridge Cleaver

“We have said: the ideology of the Black Panther Party is the historical experience of Black people and the wisdom gained by Black people in their 400 year long struggle against the system of racist oppression and economic exploitation in Babylon, interpreted through the prism of the Marxist-Leninist analysis by our Minister of Defense, Huey P. Newton.

However, we must place heavy emphasis upon the last part of that definition- “Interpreted…by our Minister of Defense..” The world of Marxism-Leninism has become a jungle of opinion in which conflicting interpretations, from right revisionism to left dogmatism, foist off their reactionary and blind philosophies as revolutionary Marxism-Leninism. Around the world and in every nation people, all who call themselves Marxist-Leninists, are at each other’s throats. Such a situation presents serious problems to a young party, such as ours, that is still in the process of refining its ideology.

When we say that we are Marxist-Leninists, we mean that we have studied and understood the classical principles of scientific socialism and that we have adapted these principles to or own situation for ourselves. However, we do not move with a closed mind to new ideas or information. At the same time, we know that we must rely upon our own brains in solving ideological problems as they relate to us.

For too long Black people have relied upon the analyses and ideological perspectives of others. Our struggle has reached a point now where it would be absolutely suicidal for us to continued this posture of dependency. No other people in the world are in the same position as we are, and no other people in the world can get us out of it except ourselves. There are those who are all too willing to do our thinking for us, even if it gets us killed. However, they are not willing to follow through and do our dying for us. If thoughts bring our deaths, let them at least be our own thoughts, so that we will have broken, once and for all, with the flunkeyism of dying for every cause and every error- except our own.

One of the great contributions of Huey P. Newton is that he gave the Black Panther Party a firm ideological foundation that frees us from ideological flunkeyism and opens up the path to the future- a future to which we must provide new ideological formulations to fit our ever changing situation

Much- most- of the teachings of Huey P. Newton are unknown to the people because Huey has been placed in a position where it is impossible for him to really communicate with us. And much that he taught while he was free has gotten distorted and watered down precisely because the Black Panther Party has been too hung up in relating to the courts and trying to put on a good face in order to help lawyers to convince juries of the justice of our cause. This whole court hang-up has created much confusion.

For instance, many people confuse the black Panther Party with the Free Huey Movement or the many other mass activities that we have been forced to indulge in in order to build mass support for our comrades who have gotten captured by the pigs. We are absolutely correct in indulging in such mass activity. But we are wrong when we confuse our mass line with our party line.

Essentially, what Huey did was to provide the ideology and methodology for organizing the Black Urban Lumpenproletariat. Armed with this ideological perspective and method, Huey transformed the Black Lumpenproletariat from the forgotten people at the bottom of society into the vanguard of the proletariat.

There is a lot of confusion over whether we are members of the Working Class or whether we are Lumpenproletariat. It is necessary to confront this confusion, because it has a great deal to do with the strategy and tactics that we follow and with our strained relations with the White radicals from the oppressor section of Babylon.

Some so-called Marxist-Leninists will attack us for what we have to say, but that is a good thing and not a bad thing because some people call themselves Marxist-Leninists who are the downright enemies of Black people. Later for them. We want them to step boldy forward, as they will do- blinded by their own stupidity and racist arrogance- so that it will be easier for us to deal with them in the future.

We make these criticisms in a fraternal spirit of how some Marxist-Leninists apply the classical principles to the specific situation that exists in the United States because we believe in the need for a unified revolutionary movement in the United States, a movement that is informed by the revolutionary principles of scientific socialism. Huey P. Newton says that “power is the ability to define phenomena and make it act in a desired manner.” And we need power, desperately, to counter the power fo the pigs that now bears so heavily upon us.

Ideology is a comprehensive definition of a status quo that takes into account both the history and the future of that status quo and serves as the social glue that holds a people together and through which a people relate to the world and other groups of people in the world. The correct ideology is an invinciple weapon against the oppressor in our struggle for freedom and liberation.

Marx defined the epoch of the bourgeoisie and laid bare the direction of the Proletarian future. He analyzed Capitalism and defined the method of its doom: Violent revolution by the Proletariat against the bourgeoisie state apparatus of class oppression and repression. Revolutionary violence against the counter-revolutionary class violence perpetuated through the special repressive force of the armed tenticles of the state.

This great definition by Marx and Engles became the mightiest weapon in the hands of oppressed people in the history of ideology. It makes a gigantic advance for all mankind. And since Marx’s time, his definition has been strengthened, further elaborated, illuminated, and further refined.

But Marxism has never really dealt with the United States of America. There have been some very nice attempts. People have done the best that they know how. However, in the past, Marxist-Leninists in the United States have relied too heavily upon foreign, imported analyses and have seriously distorted the realities of the American scene. We might say that the Marxism-Leninism of the past belongs to the gestation period of Marxism-Leninism in the United States, and that now is the time when a new, strictly American ideological synthesis will arise, springing up from the hearts and souls of the oppressed people inside Babylon, and uniting these people and hurling them mightily, from the force of their struggle, into the future. The swiftly developing revolution in America is like the gathering of a mighty storm, and nothing can stop that storm from finally bursting, inside America, washing away the pigs of the power structure and all their foul, oppressive works. And the children of the pigs and the oppressed people will dance and spit upon the common graves of these pigs.

There are some Black people in the United States who are absolutely happy, who do not feel themselves to be oppressed, and who think that they are free. Some even believe that the President wouldn’t lie, and that he is more or less an honest man; that Supreme Court decisions were almost written by god in person; that the Police are Guardians of the Law; and that people who do not have jobs are just plain lazy and good for nothing and should be severely punished. These are like crabs that must be left to boil a little longer in the pot of oppression before they will be ready and willing to relate. But the overwhelming majority of Black people are uptight, know that they are oppressed and not free; and they wouldn’t believe Nixon if he confessed to being a pig; they don’t relate to the Supreme Court or any other court; and they know that the racist pig cops are their sworn enemies. As for poverty, they know what it is all about.

These millions of Black people have no political reperesntation, they are unorganized, and they do not own or control any of the natural resources; they neither own  nor control and of the industrial machinery, and their daily life is a hustle to mae it by any means necessary in the struggle to survive.

Every Black person knows that the wind may changed at any given moment and that the Lynch Mob, made up of White members of the “Working Class”, might come breathing down his neck if not kicking down his door. It is because of these factors that when we begin to talk about being Marxist-Leninists, we must be very careful to make it absolutely clear just what we are talking about. ”

(Link to the full writing: https://www.freedomarchives.org/Documents/Finder/Black%20Liberation%20Disk/Black%20Power!/SugahData/Books/Cleaver.S.pdf )

“We have never politicized and don’t politicize economic cooperation”- President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov

Central Asia is an interesting part of the modern world, it is a region that has a lot of untapped resources and everyone is saying that Eurasianism is on the rise. While Eurasia certainly has the potential to rival Atlanticism it then has to be asked what would happen next after the west has been beaten in both economics and culture.

Turkmenistan is one nation that isn’t really talked about much, although it’s a part of the perceived Eurasian unit, it doesn’t seem to really want to be. Turkmenistan has an ideal of Permanent Neutrality that is engraved in it’s constitution. Military bases aren’t allowed on it’s soil, and it’s part of a lot of economic pacts while not really being a part of them (if that makes sense). The idea of being permanently neutral is fairly interesting, it kind of reminds me of how George Washington viewed international relations, having a relationship with other power but not being entangled with them. Perhaps we can learn something from them.

This selection comes from a speech made by the President of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. The link to which can be found below:


We hope you enjoy


Permanent Neutrality Turkmenistan: Cooperation for Peace, Security and Progress

The Statement of President of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov at the International Conference to mark the 15th anniversary of neutrality of Turkmenistan

Esteemed participants of conference,
Ladies and gentlemen, 

First of all, I would like to cordially welcome all of you and congratulate on the opening of the International Conference dedicated to the 15th anniversary of Turkmen neutrality. I express my gratitude to our foreign guests, representatives of governments, international organisations, experts, scientists, journalists, who have accepted the invitation to visit Turkmenistan. I consider the fact of such wide and representative participation as a mark of respect for our country, an evidence for the interest in its achievements, experience of international cooperation, a willingness to know better about today’s realities in Turkmenistan. We are always to have guests, and I am pleased to tell you “Welcome!”

During these days we are celebrating the great event – the 15th anniversary of international recognition of neutrality of Turkmenistan. Indeed, it is a significant and joyful date for our people, a landmark event in the history of the independent Turkmen state. However, it is also a good occasion to reflect on the way done over the years, draw conclusions, evaluate the present stage of development of Turkmenistan, map out prospects and priorities for the future. Today we are doing it with you – our friends and partners from al over the world. We are interested in and value your views and your evaluations.

Dear participants, 

Any country, which has taken the road of true independence, is forced to address a myriad of challenges in a very short period of time, to seek to have its place in new realities, respond to objective questions that the history puts to it.

Turkmenistan, which gained independence after the Soviet Union collapse and in toughest conditions of destruction of the entire post-war system of international relations, didn’t avoid it. Therefore, the challenge of choosing a foreign policy strategy became one of most crucial and most difficult for us then. What should it be, how should we build relationships with the international community, what principles should cooperation be based on? The fate of Turkmen statehood and sovereignty depends to a larger extent on the correctness of our choice. I am saying this without exaggeration, for history knows many examples when a wrong choice of foreign models led to the loss of independence of states, their involvement in the orbit of interests, which are very far from the true objectives of national development.

We have chosen a model called positive neutrality and formulated its fundamental principles: peacefulness, non-interference in the affairs of other nations, respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-participation in international military organisations and treaties. What dictated this choice? Of course, first and foremost, we were guided by national interests. The young Turkmen state wanted to live in peace and harmony with its neighbours, maintain friendly and equal relations with all countries, develop mutually beneficial economic, trade contacts with them. We firmly believed that only under these conditions peace and cohesion could be guaranteed to our people and economic and social development plans could be implemented.

We had no claims – neither historical nor territorial, or any other to none of states, and we made up our mind to start our way in international politics from scratch having lent the hand of friendship and cooperation to our neighbours and the world. Neutrality became the optimal model to implement these plans and goals, a form in which the content of the Turkmen foreign policy was built in most harmoniously and natural.

We started to pursue consistently the sovereign, neutral and at the same time active and constructive foreign policy. Therefore, it is not surprising that our efforts to secure neutrality of Turkmenistan as an international legal status met with benevolence and understanding all over the world.

At first, we received support from our neighbours in the region, then from the Non-Aligned Movement.

On 12 December 1995 the General Assembly of the United Nations unanimously adopted the Resolution on the Permanent Neutrality of Turkmenistan.

It is significant that 25 states co-sponsored it. Today, on the eve of our holiday I would like to express once again profound gratitude to the countries-co-sponsors of the Resolution, all members of the international community, international organisations, statesmen and politicians for providing support to Turkmenistan.

It was a wise, prudent decision. Time has shown its consistency with long-term goals of the United Nations, the interests of the progress of states and nations of the world in peace and security.

The subsequent events confirmed this clearly. Neutrality of Turkmenistan has become a weighty factor in international peacekeeping efforts in our region.

Let’s remember that it was in Ashgabat where a series of talks, which played a crucial role in achieving peace and reconciliation in Tajikistan, were held under the aegis of the UN. The capital of our neutral state became the venue for the negotiations on settlement of the Afghan conflict in the late 1990s. Turkmenistan turned into a reliable ally and useful partner of the United Nations in preserving and maintaining political stability in the region, promoting good neighbourliness, friendship and cooperation.

This was confirmed by the decision of the international community with the support of all states in the region to open the UN Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy in Central Asia in Ashgabat in 2007. We viewed this as an awesome responsibility and at the same time as evidence for confidence of the UN and our neighbours in Turkmenistan.

Esteemed participants,
Dear friends, 

Comprehending the way done over these years, we can realize how profound the potential of neutrality is, what vast opportunities it has opened up for our country in foreign policy, economic and trade cooperation, to promote cultural and humanitarian contacts with other countries.

Today, Turkmenistan lives in peace and harmony with all countries of the region and the world. In this case, we integrate into the main trends in modern times in the full format. A set of the vectors oriented towards the utmost involvement of Turkmenistan in international relations is being elaborated deliberately in order to implement our geopolitical, economic, resource and human potential and to rapidly promote our country to the category of states with the high life quality, dynamic economy, stable and effective relations with the external world. This is the purport of Turkmenistan’s policy of international cooperation providing new opportunities to develop each of its principal fields – the foreign policy, economic, cultural, humanitarian, scientific and educational spheres.

Today, the interests of our country have been brought out at regional as well as continental and global levels. Present-day Turkmenistan pursues the clearly defined policy in international affairs, has the standpoints on such critical issues on the global agenda as maintenance and enhancement of global peace and security, disarmament, response to new threats and challenges, promotion and protection of human rights, ecology, food security, mitigation of the financial and economic crisis, development of science, culture and education. Turkmen diplomacy has significantly boosted collaboration with international organisations in various fields, and its representatives have become frequent participants to major forums and other forms of multilateral collaboration on a variety of issues.

The space and scope of cooperation of Turkmenistan, which develops a dialogue on all geographical azimuths, considerably expanded at the bilateral level. In our field of view are the Asia-Pacific region, Europe, Americas and the Middle East. In parallel with development of cooperation with traditional partners of Turkmenistan, a dialogue with some large and economically strong countries in the Arab world and Latin America has been established in recent years. The global thinking of Turkmen foreign policy based on compatibility of the national long-term interests and the contemporary global development trends becomes more explicit.

In its international activity today Turkmenistan puts particular emphasis on the economic aspect of neutrality. This is particularly evident in development of cooperation with neighbouring countries. By the concept of good neighbourliness we mean not just geographic proximity and historical affinities, but put the specific geopolitical and geo-economic sense into it.

Our country consistently promote the idea of participatory elaboration of the models of political and economic cooperation in Central Asia and the Caspian region by proposing and supporting large-scale projects with different countries.

along with well-known projects aimed at optimization and expansion of pipeline infrastructure, these are the proposals in the sphere of power engineering, water management, communications, the initiatives to lay new transport routes between countries of the region with access to promising markets in Europe, Southeast Asia, the Middle East.

Expansion and diversity of Turkmenistan’s foreign relations created the conditions conducive to diversification of international economic, trade and investment cooperation between our countries. Given the objective geopolitical and resource advantages, a strategic priority for Turkmenistan in this regard is diversification of energy transit, development of multi-variant pipeline infrastructure.

Abiding by this, our country, along with the use of traditional routes, has completed two new large-scale projects to transit its energy to world markets: Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Kazakhstan-China and the new gas pipeline Turkmenistan-Iran. Another large-scale energy project for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline is in active preparation. It is supported by all participating countries and the large international financial institutions, including the Asian Development Bank. The TAPI project is a logical continuation of the long-term energy strategy envisaging the construction of new international gas pipelines in different directions.

Nevertheless, we emphasize that we view such projects not only through the prism of commercial and economic benefits, but also as effective factors that have a stabilizing effect on the overall situation in the region and beyond, impart additional stability to the system of political and economic relations and contribute to maintaining the balance of interests in the energy space on the European and Asian continents.

All of these achievements, the successful implementation of joint international projects are conditioned by neutrality of Turkmenistan in many respects. We have never politicized and don’t politicize economic cooperation.

And this fact finds due understanding and highly evaluated by our partners, enables to develop equitable, mutually beneficial relations with different countries and companies. As a neutral state we can build our long-term foreign policy following the definite and comprehensible principles evolving from our international status.

Esteemed participants,
Dear friends, 

Neutrality of Turkmenistan is a reality of today and our future, in which new splendid opportunities to develop wide international partnership of Turkmenistan in all directions are opened up.

A strategic priority of Turkmenistan remains close and multifaceted cooperation with the United Nations. For us the United Nations is not just the most representative international organisation. We view it as the pillar of the modern system of global interaction, the guarantor of preservation and maintenance of peace and the balance of interests in the world arena, stability of the existing security architecture.

We firmly believe that today, against the background of the new realities, the lofty humanistic ideals and principles of the UN Charter continues to be a moral and legal foundation for the international order.

Today, a number of United Nations specialized agencies including the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the Children’s Fund, the World Health Organization, the Office on Drugs and Crime, the Population Fund, the Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy operate on a permanent basis in Turkmenistan.

This cooperation is promoted on a systematic basis. We welcome this collaboration and accept gratefully support the United Nations provides to our country through implementing various projects and programmes. Turkmenistan together with the UN will do whatever is necessary to strengthen peace, stability and security.

Also, we confirm our commitment to an uncompromising struggle against international terrorism, extremism, transnational organized crime, illicit drug trafficking.

A key priority of the foreign policy of neutral Turkmenistan will be promotion of brotherly and friendly relations with our nearest neighbours – Azerbaijan, Afghanistan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. We have age-old historical and cultural bonds, wonderful traditions of mutual understanding and respect. In the modern period we implement joint large-scale energy and transport projects designed to lay the groundwork for prosperity and progress of our countries, their full integration in mainstream development processes.

In this context, we attach particular importance to providing support to our Afghan brothers in building a peaceful life, restoring the economy, resolving the situation only through peaceful, diplomatic means and methods. Turkmenistan will continue to provide assistance to Afghanistan and support further the international community in its efforts to achieve peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan.

We are determined to strengthen multilateral cooperation to address all problems related to the Caspian Sea.

Together with the other littoral states and international organisations Turkmenistan stands ready to develop mutually acceptable and balanced approaches to addressing the issues regarding the delimitation of the seabed and depths of the Caspian Sea, division of water, development of the shipping and fishing regime, regulation of the use of biological resources and conservation of the unique natural wealth. The ultimate goal in this regard should be to ensure lasting security in the Caspian Sea in the name of cooperation and benefit of the Caspian states.

Relations of Turkmenistan with the brotherly Republic of Turkey, cooperation with which is time-tested and proven effective are developed successfully. We will strengthen and develop further bilateral contacts with Turkey in the political, economic and humanitarian spheres.

Our great neighbour in the east, the People’s Republic of China is one of Turkmenistan’s strategic partners nowadays.

Together we have completed the large-scale energy project for supplies of Turkmen natural gas to this country. Cooperation with China has tremendous prospects, and we intend to make maximum use of the existing potential of the two states to implement our joint plans. In this regard, I would say that our relations with the Asia-Pacific region have intensified in recent times in whole. We dynamically develop our contacts with Japan, India, Pakistan, Malaysia, South Korea and other countries in this part of the planet.

Turkmenistan is bound with the Russian Federation by strategic partnership. The recent agreements reached with the leadership of Russia reaffirmed that the countries are interested in enhancing further cooperation and give it due dynamics.

We will do this at the bilateral level as well as within the CIS. Turkmenistan as an associate member of this organization intends to use the experience of cooperation accumulated over decades due to excellent relations established with all, without exception, post-Soviet states – Belarus, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Caucasus countries and Moldova.

Relations between Turkmenistan with the states of the Arab world, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and Qatar are brought to a qualitatively new level. Our meetings and talks with leaders of these countries have shown that there are several fields where collective efforts can be concerted.

We will fully take it into account when devising our future foreign policy and economic plans.

The multifaceted dialogue between Turkmenistan and the European Union, which has recently become concrete and goal-oriented, is developed today in a constructive and consistently manner. In this regard, we appreciate such decisions as the opening of Europa House in Ashgabat, the appointment of the Head of Delegation of the European Commission to Turkmenistan and the endorsement of the Interim Trade Agreement between Turkmenistan and the European Union by the European Parliament. We consider these facts the integral components of the process of expanding relationships between Turkmenistan and Europe.

These positive trends lay a good foundation for further cooperation based on equality, mutual benefit and awareness of its compliance with long-term interests. Against this background Turkmenistan welcomes intensification of political contacts with the European Union, expansion of trade and economic cooperation, collaboration in the spheres of culture, science and education.

Turkmenistan attaches great importance to further cooperation with the United States of America. U.S. companies are represented widely on the Turkmen market; cooperation is boosted through the Turkmenistan-U.S. Business Council.

We also welcome a recent upsurge in the political dialogue with the United States, including such an aspect as maintenance of peace and security in Central Asia. We intend to do everything necessary to strengthen this positive trend.

We believe that today the good opportunities are provided for cooperation with other nations of the Western hemisphere such as Canada and Latin America. We stand ready to further contacts initiated lately with them.

Dear participants, 

The foreign policy of any state is inseparable from the domestic policy.

This dialectical interaction is a key to understanding the essence of the objectives declared and practical steps taken by any country in the world arena, philosophy of its foreign policy strategy. Proclaiming and implementing the principles of peace, harmony, tolerance and humanism in the society, in the internal affairs, the Turkmen state projects also these concepts on its relationships with the external world. In this sense, neutrality of Turkmenistan is based on a firm moral framework of the state structure serving as its logical continuation and reflecting the best qualities of the Turkmen people.

Our country is celebrating the anniversary of neutrality in an atmosphere of peace and constructiveness, good neighbourliness, mutual respect and understanding with our friends and partners in the international community.

We clearly see our prospects and confidently devise the plans for development of the state and society. The well thought-out strategy for wide, multifaceted international cooperation allows us to face the future optimistically. Neutral, peace-loving Turkmenistan will continue to do whatever is necessary to strengthen peace and security on our planet, make it contribution to the development and progress of human civilization.

I would like to congratulate all of you, dear friends, on the upcoming holiday, the Neutrality Day and wish the successful work to our conference.

Thank you.

A quick organizational update

This is an announcement that should have been made at the beginning of the month, however it got lost under the other articles that we have been trying to put out. 14:11 picked up an editor as March began, his name is 2, and I’m sure he’ll be posting things here and there as he strives to present a different point of view to our site.

14:11 is all about different perspectives, it’s based on the idea that there are multiple ways of seeing a situation, it is personified in the expression “neither left nor right.” We strive to look beyond the simplicities of the political compass, only people who are willing to address the real issues will begin to make any kind of lasting change to the problems of this world.

Likewise, if anyone in the future wants to send in material to be posted please email us at 1411printing@gmail.com

We hope you continue to enjoy our selections


“We were doomed to have our revolution after all”- A selection from Moller van den Bruck

A bit of Moller van den Bruck’s writing was touched upon in our last post about the difference between being a conservative and being a reactionary, the concept of the ‘Conservative Revolution’ was also approached as well. His book Germany’s Third Empire could be seen in the same vein as most of the writings during the interwar period, however Moller’s book has a very interesting introduction as to why he has written this book.

“The attempt this book makes was not possible from any party standpoint; it ranges over all our political problems, from the extreme Left to the extreme Right. It is written from the standpoint of a Third Party, which is already in being.”

He goes on to say “only such an attempt could address itself to the nation while attacking all the parties.” It sounds a bit like the situation our own country is in. I’ll leave a link to the full book below, it’s a very interesting read and should expand a lot of thinking with regards to what Germans were thinking in the interwar period.

It’s interesting to point out however that when speaking about the revolutionaries of the time Moller says that they betrayed the revolution, they betrayed socialism by reverting to parliamentarianism. Let’s see his thoughts on the subject.


     Germany’s Third Empire

Chapter 1, section 5

     The foundation of Bismarck’s Empire, a state that was the personification of order, seemed to put all revolution beyond the bounds of possibility.

     Fate decreed otherwise. We were doomed to have our revolution after all. And we chose for it the most inopportune moment conceivable, a moment when we were threatened from without as never yet a nation has been threatened. We sought to escape this foreign menace by domestic upheaval; we hoped to evade it by overthrowing the state. And now we are face to face with ruin, a ruin which even those who caused it cannot deny. There is nothing left to us but to try and whether this luckless Revolution which cannot be transformed from an episode of domestic politics into an episode of foreign politics, from a German event into a world event- transformed, and rendered fruitful.

     The authors of the Revolution themselves can do nothing. They have failed us. There is nothing for us to do but to take the Revolution out of the hands of the revolutionaries. Shall we pursue it any further? No. We must weave it into our history. A revolution is always a turning-point. The inevitable element in it cannot pass away. That must remain and modify the thought of all people for all time. The German Insurrection of the Ninth of November will never this exercise the force of a tradition. It will forever remain for ever an unsightly blot on German history, which deserves the silence in which we shall endeavor to shroud it. If the German nation is to learn through its sufferings to become politically-minded, it must also see the Ninth of November in the light of all the terrible experiences of the four preceding years.

     The revolutionaries sedulously endeavoured to make the German people forget those experiences. To a superficial observer it might we have seemed that these experiences had left no memory at all. A time came when we appeared to court forgetfulness. We had victories behind us; we made no attempt to celebrate them. As a nation we had done the utmost that our country demanded of us. Now we did not want to recall the fact; it was too painful. Whatever the reason, we erected no symbolic memorial of gratitude to our Unknown Soldier. Two millions of our dead, on the Marne, on the Somme, in Flanders, in Russia, Finland, Poland, in Italy, Romania, Asia Minor and in all the seas, seemed to have died for their country in vain: and to have been forgotten. we did not meet the taunts of our enemies, nor counter their self-laudations, by pointing out, simply, proudly- a shade contemptuously- that WE are the people of the World War, as history will in due course record. We failed to repeat, and to repeat again, that we held our own: One against ten. We failed to reiterate that we had been decoyed by the lure of international ideals into a Revolution to which alone the Ten owed their final triumph. On the contrary; we allowed our German intellectuals, our pacifists, to chant us their insane hymn of Gloria Victis, in most cynical mockery of an unpolitical people whom they had deluded for once into political action.

After 1918 there were many men, their names unknown to fame, officers of the old army, officials of the old state, who voluntarily quitted a country and an epoch in which life for them was void of purpose. We have yet to hear of any revolutionary, any democrat, any pacifist- whose ideologies had brought the Revolution on us- who refused to survive the Betrayal of Versailles, because for him the empire of his dreams had set in treachery and self-deception

Let us not compare what we Germans were in 1914 and are since 1918. Let us rather take note of a curious, present fact: on every side, on the Right no less than the Left, a conviction is growing, a conviction which is one of the few held in common by our disintegrated nation, that we have turned our backs forever on everything connected with the age of William II. Restorations are futile things, valued only by émigrés who have cut loose from patriotism but are willing enough to return to their own armchairs. Of all resorations, that of William UII would be the most futile. History will do him justice. He is the type and figurehead and representative of an epoch to which his name is given. He was the most significant expression of an insignificant background. He led his age, a capricious and irresponsible leader. The future will judge him more leniently than the present. We have seen the verification of Hermann Conradi’s prophecy, written one year after the last Kaiser’s accession: “The future will rain wars and revolutions on us. What will the upshot be? We know only that property will be at stake, civilization will be at stake. One thing is certain: the Hohenzollerns will march at our head into the mists of this mystery-enshrouded future. Will a new age still have use for them?….. That we cannot foresee.”

If we were to bring William II back to this mutilated empire which he had once ruled as a German World-Empire, we should feel the contrasts of our life even more painfully than we do.

We are an immature people. We have perhaps a long history ahead of us. We have always taken round-about roads to find ourselves. World history did not end with our Revolution, as utopian dreamers, believers in world-justice, assured us that it would. They promised us an earthly paradise in which all peoples and nations and tongues would enjoy their lives in perpetual peace. With the Revolution, the disillusionment that followed the Revolution, a new epoch in our history begins: a decisive epoch in which we are faced by a supreme and final test. We must as a people complete our transformation into a politically-minded nation: or as a nation we shall cease to exist. From our critical scrutiny of the Revolution we can gain something: from the uttermost humiliation with which these last eight years- and how many more to come?- Have been overfilled, we can learn to distinguish what things have been our real loss, and what our real gain, and what perhaps both gain and loss.

One thing we have gained by the Revolution, which can, however, be only emotionally perceived. Yet it is unmistakably there. A subtle change has come over us all. A decision has been reached. The people are faced by problems which cannot be solved for them, problems which they themselves must solve. This change must not be confused with democracy which passes so easily over into demagogy. This change has since the Revolution dominated our public life, and the private life of each individuals. It has brought people nearer together, brought them into all sorts of relationships which would before have been socially impossible. It has given them spirit de corps. The war obliterated many distinctions which had existed, based for the most part on prejudices. In spite of hatreds, of hostilities, of class distinctions, of party politics, every German in Germany feels a fate-fraught sense of cohesion, which suggests that our people is a nation in the making.

When we come to think it out, we realize that the burden that has fallen from us was the incubus of amateurishness which lay like a curse over the nation during the epoch of William II. If he had won the War we might perhaps ultimately have overcome it by our own efforts. Returning triumphant from the battlefields where it had proved its prowess, our Youth might have set us free. But we have lost the World War which was to have opened the gates of the world to us. The Revolution has flung a people of sixty millions back into prison behind guarded boundaries. Yet these events have worked a spiritual conversion and made the German- who had become a slave to his dream of perfection, to his traditions and to his wealth- a man again.

We are a people with no actual present. We possess nothing but possibilities, distant and difficult of attainment. Yet we believe that the Revolution has opened up a path to these distant goals: a path which without the Revolution would not have been open: if the nation itself does not close it to itself once more.

The Revolutionaries of 1918 lost the War of 1914 because their Revolution was not a Garman revolution. They thought they had done all that was required of them when they imitated what the west had done before. They were far indeed from grasping, as the Russian Revolutionaries had done- more and more clearly with each passing year- that a people’s revolution must be a national revolution, and acting consistently with this in mind.